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  1. 1

    Answering public criticism on Depo-Provera.

    Senanayake P; Rajkumar R

    In: McDaniel EB, ed. Second Asian Regional Workshop on Injectable Contraceptives. Oklahoma City, Oklahoma, World Neighbors, 1982. 74-83.

    To prevent anti Depo-Provera publicity family planning associations have used a number of techniques. They have helped to create positive attitudes to family planning by identifying, contacting, and informing decision makers and community opinion leaders. They have also pinpointed the opposition and tried to find areas of agreement. The author suggests that in reassuring the public serious concerns about Depo-Provera should be investigated and corrected and that a possible complication should not be covered up. The anti Depo-Provera publicity is mostly concentrated in the international women's movement and it is suggested to try to establish communication with women's groups which are not completely opposed to Depo-Provera. Planning family planning with a broader social context has depended on adjusting family planning programs to local development needs. If family planning organizations are seen as helping with community health and better living conditions there might be more positive attitudes toward the use of Depo-Provera as a family planning product. Successful Depo-Provera users also need to be encouraged to speak openly, especially if they are in influential positions. In addition journalists can be invited to hear the positive arguments for Depo-Provera and about family planning organizations in general, and if the confidence of the journalism community is gained then the family planning organization will be asked for its viewpoint more often. Some suggestions for creating good relations with media are: 1) hold press lunches, 2) hold informal briefings, 3) mail background information, 4) have third party medical support with the media, and 5) always be prepared to answer questions.
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  2. 2

    Airing contraceptive commercials.

    Donovan P

    Family Planning Perspectives. 1982 Nov/Dec; 14(6):321-4.

    For 10 years, family planning groups have been trying to persuade the TV and radio industry that advertising nonprescriptive contraceptives would be an effective way to prevent unwanted pregnancies and the spread of venereal diseases, particularly among teenagers. Although formal restrictions on advertising contraceptives have been removed, the networks and most local radio and TV stations still ban commercials for contraceptive products. At a time when many consumers are concerned about health risks associated with the pill and the IUD, manufacturers of condoms, foams and jellies are not motivated to pursue expensive advertising campaigns. Of the stations polled, those with audiences mainly of the age group 18 to 34 are more likely to accept contraceptive advertisement than stations with an older audience. 50% of the stations polled would not air any such ads. Most broadcasters express concern about the quality of the ads if they were used and believe that their audience does not favor them. Few people questioned believe that such an advertising campaign would have much effect on sexual activity, venereal disease or pregnancies. The National Association of Broadcasters' survey reveals that by a margin of 53 to 41%, adults oppose broadcasting contraceptive commercials. Responses indicate that TV ads are less acceptable than radio advertising. Younger adults are more likely to favor ads than older persons. Single people also favor the contraceptive commercials. Less separated or divorced people and even fewer married or widowed people find such ads acceptable. 45% of men and only 35% of women support the advertisments. 40% of whites, 50% blacks and 66% Hispanics think that contraceptive commercials should be aired.
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  3. 3

    Restrictive rental practices and their impact on families

    Colten ME; Marans RW

    Population Research and Policy Review. 1982 Jan; 1(1):43-58.

    This article presents the results of a [1980 U.S.] national survey about exclusionary rental policies concerning children. Based on a national sample of renters and the owners or managers of their rental units, the data document the nature, extent and magnitude of exclusionary policies, the attitudes of managers about renting to families with children, the attitudes of renters toward living near children, and the effects that these policies have had on American families. The study shows that exclusionary practices against children have increased in the past decade. The data suggest that exclusionary practices pose a real problem for many American families. (EXCERPT)
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  4. 4

    Informational barriers to contraception.

    Allgeier AR

    In: Byrne D, Fisher WA, ed. Adolescents, sex and contraception. Hillsdale, New Jersey, Lawrence Erlbaum Associates, 1983. 143-69.

    Focusing on informational barriers to contraception, this discussion reviews legal barriers, research on sexual and contraceptive knowledge, and sex education in the future. The effects of accurate information about sexuality and contraception on the recipient's behavior have been the subject of an ongoing debate in the US over the last 2 centuries. Proponents of sex education base their argument on the assumption that people will make rational decisions about their sexual behavior if they are adequately informed about sexuality. At the other end of the spectrum are those who believe that sexual information will lead to experimentation. The courts and legislatures have been the chief arbitrators of this debate. The battle has waxed and waned between the opponents and proponents of sex education, but it appears that the advocates of sex education have been gradually overcoming their opposition. Discussion includes a brief overview of this struggle. Of direct concern to the problems addressed in this volume was the enactment of Public Act No. 226 which was passed by the Michigan legislature on November 30, 1977. This law culminated a long battle to have contraception included among the topics taught in sex education courses in the state of Michigan. The legal barriers to sex education have, in large part, been removed, yet there is still no widespread movement toward sex education in the schools. The majority of states have adopted a variety of formal positions in relation to sex education. The most popular approach appears to be the issuing of formal guidelines on the subject. For many sexologists, the material that has been excluded by these guidelines would undermine the effectiveness of sex education. Teaching of birth control methods is frequently forbidden. A national survey conducted for the Commission on Obscenity and Pornography revealed that a clear majority of citizens favor sex education in the schools. Sex education programs in public schools was approved by 58% of the men and 54% of the women, with an additional 13% of men and 16% of women giving a qualified approval. Although the preferred source of information was parents, the most common actual source was peers. There are a number of plausible explantions for the lack of parent child communication about sex, including "benign neglect," incest taboo, and socialization. Formal sex education can change attitudes about sexuality. The evidence at this point allows for 2 general conclusions: a lack of sexual/contraceptive knowledge does not inhibit sexual activity; and a lack of sexual/contraceptive knowledge can inhibit contraceptive behavior.
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  5. 5

    Public opinion toward new migrants: a comparative.

    Hoskin M; Mishler W

    International Migration/Migrations Internationales/Migraciones Internacionales. 1983; 21(4):440-462.

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  6. 6

    The fall and rise of religion.

    Riche MF

    American Demographics. 1982 May; 4(5):14-19, 47.

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  7. 7
    Peer Reviewed

    U.S. population growth as an abstractly-perceived problem.

    Barnett LD

    Demography. February 1970; 7(1):53-60.

    A survey of 134 adult women, in a small and isolated American community, living in a limited-income family housing project suggests that the view of continued population growth as a problem is more strongly held than the view that the couple has a responsibility to limit its fertility because of overpopulation. Concern with population growth is only loosely associated with acceptance of the attitude of individual responsibility. Among subgroups of respondents, Catholics were more likely to hold a negative attitude toward population growth than to possess the individual responsibility view. They exhibited a correlation between the 2 attitudes. Protestants were distinguished by no difference in or correlation between the acceptance of the 2 attitudes. A correlation between the attitudes was especially pronounced among Catholics with high achievement values. The author suggests that measures explicitly intended to control population growth probably cannot be adopted until there is a strong correlation between the 2 attitudes.(Author's, modified)
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  8. 8

    The pill on trial.

    Kistner RW

    American Journal of Obstetrics and Gynecology. April 15, 1971; 109(8):1118-1127.

    The 1970 Nelson Committee hearings were held to determine whether Pill users were properly told about the side effects and suspected complications. The author charges the Committee hearings of sensationalizing adverse results of the Pill, causing 18% of all U.S. users to stop this treatment and another 23% to seriously consider quitting. A survey following the Nelson hearings showed 97% of the 13,000 U.S. obstetricians and gynecologists questioned believed oral contraceptives to be medically acceptable. The Scowen report of England (1970) said the Pill is the best contraceptive available, and the low-estrogen pill (50 mcg) is the safest. Because of the relationship of the pill to thromboembolism brought out by Nelson hearings oral contraceptives now must carry a health warning, and the result of the Scowen Committee will most likely encourage doctors to prescribe low dosage estrogen pills.
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  9. 9

    National youth survey.

    Silver M; Pomeroy R; Burbank J

    Paper presented at the Annual Meeting of the Population Association of America, Toronto, Canada, April 13-15, 1972. 19 p

    The Gilbert Youth Poll conducted a nationwide survey of 2541 young people between the ages of 14 and 24 in the spring of 1971 for the Research Department of Planned Parenthood World Federation. Of this group 834 were high school students, 948 were college students, and 759 were young people who were not in school. Most of the latter group were older than the high school students and 46% of them have been to college. The findings indicate that 3/4 of this sample approve of making birth control available to any teen-ager wanting this service. Neither sex, race, nor religion affected this attitude. 76% of the white and 58% of the black respondents recommended that couples get professional birth control counseling upon marrying. Most of the respondents plan to marry in their 20s and do not want children during the 1st year of marriage. Variations in these findings did occur among certain subgroups. For example, high school students are less likely to recommend early professional birth control counseling and more likely to approve a child within the 1st year of marriage. About 1/2 the respondents wanted only 2 children while another 1/4 preferred 2 or 3 children. 9 out of 10 indicated the oral contraceptive as an effective birth control method and about 1/2 mentioned the IUD. 11% specified tubal ligation or vasectomy and another 5% stated general sterilization without mention of procedure. Approximately 1/4 noted Planned Parenthood clinics as a place teen-agers could go for birth control services and another 1/5 indicated "family planning clinics." Although population growth in the U.S. was given recognition as a potential problem, it was not regarded as one which required immediate attention. 3 out of 5 expressed some concern over the effect of population growth on their lives, but only a small proportion thought the effect would be serious. Concerning their reasons for family planning, this sample attributed greater importance to child care and economic situation than to social issues such as population.
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  10. 10

    Public opinion trends: elective abortion and birth control services to teenagers.

    Pomeroy R; Landman LC

    Family Planning Perspectives. October 1972; 4(4):44-55.

    During the years from 1965 to 1970, American attitudes shifted toward support of voluntary fertility control with many more people supporting elective abortion and contraception. Gallup polls taken in 1972, based on 1574 respondents, showed that 64% of whites and 51% of blacks agreed: "abortion should be a decision between a woman and her doctor." 3 out of 4 Americans agreed that birth control services (counseling, information, supplies) should be provided for sexually active teenagers. Highest support for both birth control and abortion came from better educated, more affluent Westerners. Causes of these attitude changes may be traced to factors such as availability of effective contraceptives, alternate roles for women, and liberalization of restrictive laws concerning abortion, contraception, and sterilization.
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  11. 11

    Social pressure on family size intentions.

    Griffith J

    Perspectives. 1973 Fall; 5(4):237-242.

    Reporting on responses of 311 women and 412 men to questions about family size and social pressures to have a certain number of children, data shows 2 children make an acceptable family size while 1 child does not. A family of 5 children is considered too large, but only 25% of the women say 4 children are too many; While the 2 child family is acceptable, figures indicate widespread tolerance of families as large as 3-4 children. Below 2 children and after 5, data indicate overt social pressures are exerted on couples to have an acceptable family size. Changes in economic conditions, shorter work week, unemployment for women could facilitate upward revision of family size into 3-4 child fertility intentions.
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  12. 12

    A study of the relationship between attitudes towards world population growth and USA population growth.

    Barnett LD

    Journal of Biosocial Science. 1973; 5:61-69.

    A total of 4841 adults, 21 years of age or older were interviewed in the fall of 1967, in a national poll sponsored by the Population Council concerning the rate of U.S. and world population growth. About 1/2 of all respondents saw both the U.S. and world population growth as a serious problem, about 1 in 5 felt the world population growth rate was serious and the U.S. rate not serious, roughly 1 in 7 thought that both rates were not serious, and 1 in 25 thought the U.S. rate serious and the world rate not serious. As educational level increased the proportion viewing both rates as not serious tended to drop. The proportion thinking the world rate serious and the U.S. rate not serious was increased steadily from those with Grade 8 or less schooling (14%) to those who were college graduates (31%) and from those in families earning under $3000 annually (13%) to those in families earning at least $10,000 (28%). As educational level increased, the proportion viewing both the world and U.S. growth rates as not serious, tended to drop. The proportion viewing both the rates as serious increased from East to Midwest to South to West (45%, 49%, 50%, 53% respectively), while the proportion considering the 2 rates as not serious tended to decline (20%, 18%, 15%, 11%). Caucasians were more likely to view both the world and U.S. population growth as serious or world but not U.S. growth as serious, than Negores. Negroes were more likely to consider the U.S. rate as serious and the world rate as not serious. Catholics were more likely than Protestants to define the 2 rates as not serious. Of the respondents viewing the world rate as serious, roughly 2/3 consider the U.S. rate to be a serious problem. Among those viewing the world rate as not a serious problem about 4 out of 5 felt the U.S. rate also was not serious. Females defining the world rate as a serious problem were more likely than males with this view to see the U.S. rate as serious. 9 out of 10 who felt the U.S. rate was a serious problem defined the world rate as serious. The view that the world rate is not serious is a strong predictor of the view that the U.S. rate is not serious.
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  13. 13

    The teenage birth control dilemma and public opinion.

    Blake J

    Science. May 18, 1973; 180(4087):708-712.

    Between January 1969 and August 1972, 4 national Gallup surveys were conducted among white men and women of voting age, as a part of a project to collect and analyze public attitudes on population issues. Public support for educational efforts in high school has been relatively high among men over the entire time period, but during the past 2 years feminine assent has been increasing with 71% of each sex by August 1972 favoring birth control education in public high schools. The least approval came from less advantaged groups but the differential by educational level in 1972 compared to 1969 has become a minor instead of a major cleavage. Approval for making birth control services available to teenage girls was found in slightly more than 1/2 of the population. Among men approval increased 25% between 1969 and 1972; among women 77%. Among groups where the young are most in need of free birth control services, such as the less advantaged, approval though increasing, is still low. In August 1972 less than 1/3 of white adult Americans regarded premarital relations as permissable. 65% of men and 42% of women under age 30 were permissive toward premarital relations, as contrasted to 21% of men and 12% of women aged 45 or over. In effect the increase in approval of birth control services seems more to reflect a rise in permissiveness than pragmatism. There were no significant differences between Catholics and non-Catholics in any area of these surveys.
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  14. 14

    Relationships between governments and voluntary family planning associations.

    London, International Planned Parenthood Federation, March 1973. Family Planning Reviews. No. 1. 40 p

    The report discusses general trends in relationships between governments and voluntary family planning associations and the specifics relevant to particular nations. At the beginning of 1973, 109 nongovernmental family planning associations existed and 40 governments carried out official programs. In many nations governmental participation occurs even without an official policy. Some governments provide family planning arrangements within the regular public health network. In some cases the government assists private efforts with funding, facilities, or doctors' time. A combination of approaches is typical. As government takes on more responsibilities, private associations often relinquish their service roles and expand their educational and motivational activities. In the future, government involvement and interest in family planning should increase. Charts summarize the international situation in government/voluntary family planning association relationships.
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  15. 15

    Attitudes toward population control in Santiago, Chile.

    Hall MF

    Bulletin of the Pan American Health Organization. 1975; 9(3):196-207.

    Chilean attitudes toward the national population's size and growth rate was explored by a special survey. The survey sample consisted of 1410 men aged 20-54 in urban Santiago, of whom 1030 were actually interviewed by 36 students from the University of Chile who based their interview on a prepared questionnaire including both open-ended and multiple-choice questions. The men were separated into 6 catagories on the basis of their education and socioeconomic status. The results clearly indicate that men in the lower socioeconomic categories tended to know less about the population's size and growth than their more affluent counterparts. Nevertheless, they more often felt that Chile had too many people, that recent population growth had been rapid, and that population growth should be reduced. (AUTHOR'S MODIFIED)
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  16. 16

    Support of abortion political suicide?


    Family Planning Perspectives. January-February 1975; 7(1):13-22.

    A systematic review of national and local press coverage of congressional races makes possible a general appraisal of the significance of the abortion issue in the 1974 general election; analysis of polls conducted by congresspersons offers further clues to voter sentiment regarding this issue. Congressional initiatives in regard to abortion following the 1973 Supreme Court decision fell into 3 major categories: 1) introduction of proposals for constitutional amendments to reverse the Supreme Court decision; 2) efforts to exempt both individuals and institutions from having to perform or to allow the performance of abortion; 3) attempts to prohibit or restrict the use of federal funds for abortion in domestic or foreign programs. Many districts are so "safe" that the incumbent is virtually assured of election without campaigning, so a more reliable test of the importance of the abortion issue is to examine what happened to those incumbents whose hold over their districts was generally acknowledged to be insecure or who faced especially strong challengers. The voting records and election outcomes of 119 incumbents were scrutinized. Incumbents from unsafe districts fared considerably more poorly than those from safe areas in the 1974 elections. 1% of the safe incumbents lost compared to 31% of those whose races were considered close. Antiabortion candidates from unsafe districts had a much higher casualty rate (39%) than proabortion candidates (8%); while those with mixed records fared about the same as congresspersons from unsafe districts generally. Among Republicans running in close races, 42% of the antiabortion incumbents were defeated, about the same porportion of casualties as among Republicans in unsafe districts generally. Among Democrats, all of the 12 proabortion incumbents from unsafe districts were reelected, while 2 of the 8 who voted consistently in opposition were defeated. When party affiliation is controlled and attention is on those districts where a single issue might conceivably have made the difference between victory and defeat, the losses among antiabortion incumbents were heavier than those losses among those who voted in favor of legal abortion. The data show conclusively that support of legal abortion does not constitute political suicide.
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  17. 17

    The pill and the rising costs of fertility control.


    Social Biology. 1977 Winter; 24(4):267-280.

    Until recently it appeared as if oral contraception greatly reduced the costs of fertility control. The advantages of effectiveness and the convenience of this method in preference to coitus-related contraception led to the dramatic increase in oral contraceptive (OC) use during the 1960s in the U.S. The trend in the 1970s is different. OC use has leveled off, and suspicions have arisen that the net costs to women of using this form of birth control are higher than was previously believed. Discontinuation rates by women who have been on OCs have increased despite major improvement in the chemistry of the OC in recent years. In view of the evidence concerning the apparent risks to health associated with OCs, the current trend is not surprising. The range of major diseases for which the relative risk is higher among OC users seems to be broadening, and, as a consequence, the cumulative absolute risk overall of these diseases may be very much higher than was believed when only selected thromboembolic entities seemed to be involved. In order to obtain the public's view about the safety of OCs, 1500 voting age adults have been questioned in national surveys since 1966. 34% of the respondents in 1976 said that they believed the OC to be safe, but 47% of this group meant that it is as safe as aspirin. 34% ranked it as being somewhat less safe than aspirin. Their answers indicate that over time there had been increasing anxiety about the safety of the OC, but no general sense of panic. Even among those who felt it is unsafe, only a minority are willing to label it as "really dangerous."
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  18. 18
    Peer Reviewed

    Can we believe recent data on birth expectations in the United States?

    Blake J

    Demography. Feb 1974; 11(1):25-44.

    A share of the recent decline in birth expectations of young American wives may be due to the historically unique stimulus of intense public attention to population growth and family size. Data on whites from numerous national surveys provide at least four types of evidence favoring this thesis: a sudden massing of responses in the two-child category (the ZPG formula); a tolerance for the large family; an aversion to childlessness and the one-child family; and an inconsistency between respondents' evaluations of the family cycle and childspacing, on the one hand, and their personal acceptance of the two-child norm, on the other. The lack of congruence in American reproductive attitudes at present suggests that some conservatism might be wise in accepting current birth expectations as valid indicators of the long-run intentions of youthful cohorts. (author's)
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  19. 19

    Family size ideals of Canadians: a methodological note.

    BOYD M

    Canadian Review of Sociology and Anthropology. 1974 Nov; 11(4):360-370.

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  20. 20

    Psychological approaches to the study of population policy issues.


    Paper prepared for Population Association of America Annual Meeting, Toronto, April 1972. 12 p. plus tables

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  21. 21

    Mass media in political campaigns: an expanding role.

    Chaffee S

    In: Rice RE, Paisley WJ, ed. Public communication campaigns. Beverly Hills, California, Sage, 1981. 181-98.

    The author studies the conduct of political campaigns in the context that they are collectively of general benefit to society and yet propagated by special interest groups that are in direct conflict with one another. He also studies why the role of mass media has been expanding and how the set of 3 interactions among campaigners, their target audiences, and mass media is structured in today's political process. Political campaigns center around the mobilization of support for candidates. Channels of communication are keyed to the changes in goals and targets at different phases of the campaign; a campaign can be viewed as a set of relationships involving the political system, the electorate, and the press. In the 1940s party power and affiliation was strong but the reduced state of the major parties in the 1950s-80s has meant that a candidate has to rely more on media and less on personal contacts. In addition there has been a rise in issue-based voting which requires a great deal of communication. As a result for the campaigner the shift of the burden of mass communication to television had meant that different skills are needed and budgets must be organized differently. The public opinion poll has changed campaigns more than any other aspect and polls have become a major topic of interaction between campaigners and the press. The product of campaigner-press interactions is a selected set of messages than can reach over 80% of the adult population via the mass media. Media events also provide a stimulus to political discussion and act as a substitute for interpersonal contact. The press mediates between competitors and between different kinds of audience members who do not interact directly. While the politcal effectiveness of a single campaign message may be limited, the cumulative impact of a total campaign can be great, especially when evaluated in terms of the extent to which it produces informed poltical decisions.
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  22. 22

    Appendix H. Public information supplement

    United States. Select Commission on Immigration and Refugee Policy

    In: U.S. immigration policy and the national interest. In 11 vols.. U.S. Select Commission on Immigration and Refugee PolicyWashington, D.C., United States, 1981.

    This volume provides reports on public hearings held as part of the research of the US Select Commission on Immigration and Refugee Policy. 12 hearings were held across the country from October 1979-June 1980 and some topics addressed were: 1) immigration and the labor force, 2) immigration and the economy, 3) labor certification, 4) immigration and population growth, 5) exclusion laws, 6) special cases of admission, 7) acculturation, and 8) illegal aliens. In addition public affairs analyses are provided on the following issues: 1) employee eligibility and employer responsibility enforcement, 2) border enforcement, 3) legalization, 4) temporary workers, 5) refugees, 6) immigration goals and structure, 7) cap versus target, 8) expulsions, 9) Immigration and Naturalization Service operations and structure, and 10) naturalization, language, and civic education. Articles are included explaining the viewpoints of Commissioners F. Ray Marshall, Cruz Reynoso, and Rose Matsui Ochi. Some editorials and articles give an indication of the atmosphere in which the Commission worked, while the monthly Commission newsletters focus on the Commission's activities.
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  23. 23
    Peer Reviewed

    Trends and patterns in the attitudes of the public toward legal abortion in the United States, 1972-1978.

    Moldanado SA

    Research in Nursing and Health. 1985 Sep; 8(3):219-225.

    The attitudes of the public toward legal abortion in the US were studied for the period 1972-78. Purposes of the study were to: 1) analyze the trends and patterns in attitudes toward legal abortion in that period; 2) assess the possible effect of selected demographic, socioeconomic, religious, and fertility variables on attitudes towards legal abortion; and 3) determine the relationship between attitudes toward abortion and attitudes toward selected related issues such as premarital sex, sex education in public schools, birth control for teens and for anyone who desires it, and woman's role in the home, business, and politics. The independent variables found to have an effect on attitude toward abortion were: age, sex, marital status, geographic region, size of place, education, occupational prestige, women's employment status, religious preference, denomination, strength of religious preference, frequence of attendance at religious services, number of siblings, number of children, number of children expected in the future, and ideal family size. The data were drawn from the General Social Surveys (GSS) conducted by the National Opinion Research Center each year between 1972-78. A total of 10,652 respondents completed the interviews. Attitudes toward abortion were derived from combining the responses to 6 items which required the respondents to indicate whether or not it should be possible for a pregnant woman to obtain a legal abortion. Using the Guttman scalogram analysis, responses to the abortion items were tested for scalability and were found to scale well. The single largest group of respondents approved for legal abortion for all of the 6 reasons mentioned and the next largest group approved it only for the hard reasons (woman's health, rape, and possible child deformity). Trends in attitudes toward legal abortion were analyzed by percentage distribution. 2 major shifts in trend were noted in the attitudes of the public toward legal abortion in the abovementioned period. In 1973, the percentage of approval rose considerably for each of the 6 reasons. In 1978, the 2nd shift occurred when the percentage of approval declined sharply for all but the reasons of woman's health and rape. Both shifts followed important judicial and congressional decisions made in the US with respect to the abortion issue. Generally speaking, younger, white, never-married respondents, and those who lived in the Pacific, Mid-Atlantic, and New England regions, and in the large central cities were slightly more favorable toward abortion than were their counterparts. Education proved to be the most important socioeconomic variable in explaining the variability of attitude toward abortion. Jews showed the most favorable attitude and Catholics the least favorable attitudes toward abortion. Those who came from small families, or who had small families themselves, or who favored small family size ideal were more favorable toward abortion than those connected to larger families. Significant positive associations were found between attitudes toward premarital sex, sex education in public schools, availability of birth control information for teens, woman's role in the home, business, and politics, and attitudes toward abortion. Variability in attitudes toward abortion among white adults in the US between 1972-78 was best explained by the frequency of attendance at religious services combined with the variables of education, family size ideal, attitude toward available of birth control information to teens, attitude toward sex education in public schools, and attitude toward women's role in the home, business, and politics. (author's modified)
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  24. 24

    Leaders' and citizens' attitudes toward population growth: some explanatory factors.

    Kamieniecki S

    Journal of Environmental Management. 1978 Jan; 14(1):35-44.

    The relationships between leaders' and citizens' income levels, citizens' sex, race, marital status, and employment status and their attitudes toward population growth within a context of regional water quality planning was examined. The relationship between leaders' and citizens' predispositions toward economic growth and environmental protection, and their attitudes toward population growth were also analyzed. The data were drawn from a 1976 survey of western New York State officials and citizens conducted by the Environmental Studies Center at the State University of New York at Buffalo. The survey results were used by officials of a regional, federally funded water quality planning operation as additional public input. The study indicates that a large majority of the public in the Niagara Frontier Region wanted to see the size of the population remain the same. In comparison, the areas leaders were more inclined to prefer increased growth. Sex was not associated with citizens' opinions on population growth, but citizens who were black, or married, or employed, and leaders and citizens with high incomes tended to prefer more economic and population growth. Leaders' and citizens' income levels were related to their predispositions toward growth. The data revealed that respondents who favored more economic growth, even if it means possibly harming the environment, also tended to prefer more population growth. The survey revealed that a large majority of western New York State's residents opposed the power of eminent domain (the right of the government to take away private land for a public purpose). Government must be able to exercise this power, in highway construction for example, so that the entire region can benefit. On this question the wise course would be for officials to ignore public opinion. Due to the local nature of this inquiry, care must be taken not to overgeneralize its findings. Yet, compared to the nationwide survey, there are advantages to a regional approach. If a regional survey project is closely linked to a specific planning operation, it can provide officials with valuable information during a programs' development stage. The data reported here can aid "208" water quality planners in western New York State to develop a population policy strategy that is acceptable to area residents as part of the final plan. From a representation standpoint, approaches like this in conjunction with traditional means of active citizen participation can bring the views of the uninterested but affected public into the planning process.
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  25. 25

    Parental choice and family planning: the acceptability, use, and sequelae of four methods.

    Hollerbach PE

    In: Hsia YE, Hirschhorn K, et. al., ed. Counseling in genetics. New York, Alan R. Liss, 1979. 189-222.

    American contraceptive patterns have shown consistent acceptance and progressive improvement in its usage. Efficacious methods which offer maximum contraceptive protection are highly favored by all strata of the American population. The 4 methods which the writer examines from a clinical and psychological viewpoint are sterilization, artificial insemination, abortion and selective sex predetermination processes. The increased popularity of sterilization by males and females is accounted for by its development into a simpler surgical procedure, few unpleasant side effects, shifts in smaller family size planning, and easing of medical and legal age restrictions. Vasectomy and tubal ligation are reviewed in terms of positive and negative reactions to the procedures with particular emphasis about psychological adjustment common to both procedures. Artificial insemination with a donor's semen is used primarily when the husband is infertile or when the husband or both parents are carriers of genetic defects. This method is preferred when parents are dissatisfied with adoption procedures, selection process in terms of infant conception is desired, knowledge of pregnancy 1st hand is wanted and when faith in the donor is strong. Abortion and prenatal diagnosis are seen as means of selective reproduction and biological control in family planning decisions. Legal change about abortion has accompanied a decline of public opposition as seen in tables which chart America's public opinion from 1962 to 1975. Psychological aspects of selecting abortion and prenatal diagnosis include the concern parents have over health of the child, security of the family , fairness to the unborn child, to the living children and to themselves. The writer establishes the need for counseling and emotional support when stress, depression and self doubts associated with each procedure is apparent. Technology involved in sex determination is seen by the author as having a future radical impact on sex ratios of developing nations where a greater cultural emphasis is on having sons. From a psychological point of view, sex determination will alleviate the disappointment some parents feel about the sex of the child as well as encourage fertility.
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