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SOCIETY. 1997 Mar-Apr; 34(3):31-5.The author discusses the undercount problem and considers whether and how the U.S. census can compensate for data shortcomings. Various questions about data collection, data quality, political considerations, and public opinion are considered. (ANNOTATION)
POPULATION AND ENVIRONMENT. 1998 Jan; 19(3):247-77.This study examined the relationships between US county-level in- and out-migration streams and environmental risks. Data were obtained from the 1990 US Census among 3109 counties during 1985-90. Risk measures included air and water quality, hazardous waste sites, toxic releases, and Superfund sites. Environmental data were obtained from the US Environmental Protection Agency's (EPA's) Right to Know Network (RTK-NET) on-line database. Air quality data were based on the Aerometic Information Retrieval System. Water quality data were based on EPA defined public water contamination levels from EPA's Office of Groundwater and Drinking Water. Hazardous waste data were available from LandView II database and EPA's Biennial Reporting System. Toxic release data were obtained from the EPA Office of Pollution Prevention and Toxic Release Inventory database. Superfund sites data were obtained from the Comprehensive Environmental Response, Compensation, and Liability Information System accessed through RTK-NET. Socioeconomic measures included economic conditions, population compositions, home ownership, urban location, and region. High levels of in-migration were in the West. High environmental risk locations were in counties surrounding Los Angeles, New York City, and portions of Washington state. Findings suggest decreasing rates of population influx with increasing environmental risk, particularly for air quality. 831 counties had hazardous waste facilities. High risk areas did not lose residents at rates greater than areas without high risk. Areas with little environmental risk and low population density were migrant destinations. Aggregation at the county level may mask within county relationships. Analysis within metropolitan statistical areas confirmed the negative relationship. Hazardous conditions may not be a push factor due to lack of economic opportunities and lower housing costs.
MIGRATION AND REFUGEES: POLITICS AND POLICIES IN THE UNITED STATES AND GERMANY. 1997; 121-52.The paper is divided into four sections. The first describes the major flows of people coming into the United States during the twentieth century, especially since the end of World War II.... The second examines the implications of these flows for the current and future racial/ethnic composition of the U.S. population.... The third assesses the demographic and economic contexts within which these flows have occurred. The fourth argues that a combined view of trends in migration flows, racial/ethnic composition, interracial and interethnic marriage patterns, and economic and labor market outcomes makes it possible to discern not only why recent immigration patterns have come to be negatively perceived but also why they may have come to be seen as violating the prevailing sense of social contract in the United States. (EXCERPT)
CURRENT WORLD LEADERS. 1995 Apr; 38(2):45-62.Immigration reform long has produced fierce conflict among U.S. policymakers over how to regulate racial and ethnic diversity, economic opportunity, and global involvement in American life. This essay attempts to provide an historical perspective on recent innovations in [U.S.] immigration policy, comparing them with restrictionist and expansionist traditions in U.S. political development. While recent reforms exemplify an unprecedented openness in keeping with a more inclusive democracy, their failure to address public anxieties about porous borders inadvertently breathed life into a new anti-immigrant politics that may threaten these policy achievements. (EXCERPT)
Immigration reform and the browning of America: tensions, conflicts and community instability in metropolitan Los Angeles.
INTERNATIONAL MIGRATION REVIEW. 1997 Winter; 31(4):1,055-95.Tensions, conflicts, and community instability associated with heightened immigration--especially of nonwhite immigrant groups--threaten to balkanize America. This article highlights the root causes of the growing opposition to both immigrants and U.S. immigration policy--the nativist backlash, presents a typology of the community-level conflicts that have arisen as a consequence of heightened immigration--legal and illegal--to the United States over the last 30 years, and outlines the conditions under which diversity can be brought to the forefront as one of society's strengths....The 1992 Los Angeles County Social Survey (LACSS)...provides insights into the nature and magnitude of intergroup stereotyping and prejudice in a community in which large numbers of immigrants have settled. (EXCERPT)
The cuckoo's egg: how the U.S. Department of Education is misleading America about immigration's impact on our nation's schools.
POPULATION AND ENVIRONMENT. 1997 Nov; 19(2):119-27.The author critically examines U.S. Department of Education data that attempt to account for the country's rising school enrollment. The focus in on the extent to which immigration has contributed to that increase. The author asserts that "the Federal Government is...slipping other people's children into our nests and telling us that we should take responsibility for them. It is gravely harming American children with overcrowded classrooms." (EXCERPT)
JOURNAL OF SOCIAL, POLITICAL AND ECONOMIC STUDIES. 1996 Summer; 21(2):141-66.The author discusses the impact of immigration on the demographic profile of the United States, with a focus on changes in the sources of immigration and the effect of U.S. migration policy. "The demographic destruction of the U.S. has been swift and dramatic. The transformation, made in constant contravention of popular mandate, has been unprecedented in the history of democratic societies. To better understand this phenomenon and the role which post-1965 immigration policy plays in it,...15 tables have been created and compiled from the official statistics of the U.S. Bureau of the Census and the U.S. Immigration and Naturalization Service." (EXCERPT)
PUBLIC OPINION QUARTERLY. 1997 Summer; 61(2):356-83.This report summarizes attitudes and opinions in the United States concerning aspects of immigration based on searches of survey archives and both published and unpublished sources. It includes information on attitudes toward legal and illegal immigrants and toward immigrants from different countries, evaluation of immigrant characteristics, why Americans are reluctant to admit more immigrants, the perceived impact of immigrants on U.S. culture and language, and evaluation of immigration policies. Particular attention is given to attitudes and opinions on immigration in California.
SOCIAL SCIENCE QUARTERLY. 1997 Jun; 78(2):249-68.The specific purposes of this paper are (1) to develop a portrait of the recent major migration flows to the United States, (2) to assess their implications for the racial/ethnic composition of the U.S. population, and (3) to examine the economic context in which they have occurred. Our general goal is to try to explain not only why recent migration flows have come to be negatively perceived, but also why they appear increasingly to be seen as violating the prevailing sense of social contract in the United States. The authors conclude that "devising immigration policies that are fair as well as sensitive to their environmental, developmental, trade, and foreign-policy implications may prove difficult unless the public sense of economic security increases enough to strengthen what appears to be an increasingly fragile sense of social contract." (EXCERPT)
CURRENT WORLD LEADERS. 1995 Apr; 38(2):35-44.The notion of the United States as `the mother of exiles' is an illusion, a legend perpetuated during an era when cheap immigrant labor was necessary to fuel the development of the country. The truth is that immigrants have been shunned for much of our history, tolerated only because their semiskilled labor was needed. Immigrant bashing was common, especially during times of economic distress. This article details the history of U.S. immigration and squarely places the current nativist sentiments in perspective. (EXCERPT)
Menlo Park, California, Henry J. Kaiser Family Foundation, 1996 Jan 31.  p.This series of tables illustrates findings from the Kaiser Family Foundation's 1996 National (US) Survey on Public Perceptions about Contraception. Pie charts show that 43% of women aged 18-44 (women of reproductive age [WRA]) and 39% of all Americans believe that oral contraceptives (OCs) are somewhat safe and an additional 25 and 17%, respectively, believe OCs are very safe. The charts indicate that 61% of WRA and 44% of all Americans cite potential health risks as their primary safety concerns (20 and 24%, respectively, cite lack of protection against disease, and 20 and 7%, respectively, doubt the contraceptive efficacy of OCs). Most WRA (58%) believe that OCs have no effect on the likelihood of developing osteoporosis, but only 41% believe that chances of acquiring breast cancer are unaffected by OC use (32% believe chances are heightened). Most WRA (57%) believe that OCs increase chances of blood clots, and only 16% believe that OC use reduces chances of developing ovarian cancer. Nearly half (47%) of the WRA believe that women's chances of getting heart disease are not affected by OC use. WRA receive most of their contraceptive information from physicians (88%), nurses (75%), family/friends (60%), television (48%), magazines (43%), advertisements (41%), and printed media (40%). Among WRA who have ever used OCs, 53% reported that their partner had no influence in their decision to use this method (19% reported that their partner had a lot of influence). Most men (76%) whose current or most recent partner used OCs reported that their partner had a lot of influence in this decision.
Two thirds of Americans have misperceptions about the percentage of pregnancies ending in abortion in the U.S. Public overestimates the percentage of total abortions occurring among teens and minorities. Overwhelming majority of Americans view unplanned pregnancy as a major problem in the U.S. News release.
Menlo Park, California, Henry J. Kaiser Family Foundation, 1995 Jan 30.  p.In 1994, 2002 US adults took part in a random-sample, telephone survey designed to elicit information on the extent of public knowledge about abortion and unplanned pregnancy. The results indicated that only a third of respondents were able to estimate the number of pregnancies ending in abortion within 20% of the actual figure. More than 40% overestimated the figure by more than 10%. Women and younger adults were more likely to overestimate the figure, with the most difference occurring between the estimates offered by younger women and older men. Most respondents (60%) also incorrectly stated that adolescents account for at least half of all abortions when they actually account for only 25%. Most respondents (57%) also believed that minority women account for at least 40% of all abortions when they actually account for less than a third. Half of the respondents understood that US women have more abortions than women in other developed countries, and 49% believed the abortion rate is increasing while 42% believed it is decreasing. The rate has remained fairly stable for the past 20 years. The survey results indicate that the public considers unplanned pregnancy a major problem that has increased in the past decade.
Perceptions and realities: How safe is the pill? The role of the media, healthcare providers, and the pharmaceutical industry in shaping American women's perceptions about birth control. Q and A.
New York, New York, AGI, 1996 Jan 31. 4 p. (Emerging Issues in Reproductive Health: A Briefing Series for Journalists)Contraceptive choice and usage is affected by various factors at different stages of reproductive life including childbearing hopes, sexual behavior, health history, exposure to sexually transmitted diseases (STDs), ability to use a method consistently and correctly, the side effects and/or health benefits of various methods, and the degree of risk associated with unplanned pregnancy. Survey data indicate that most adults in the US gain family planning information from health professionals as well as from friends and family and the mass media. Perceptions about various methods can influence contraceptive usage in general and method choice in particular. While a majority of US adults find oral contraceptives (OCs) "very" or "somewhat" safe, 21% think OCs are somewhat unsafe, and 11% find them very unsafe. Most safety concerns center on the inability of the OC to protect from STDs and ignore specific health effects that vary for individual women. The fact is that failure to use a contraceptive poses greater risk than any method and that OCs are effective contraceptives that do not hinder future fertility. While the relationship of OC use and breast cancer remains uncertain, OCs are known to protect against ovarian and endometrial cancers. OC use is associated with a relatively small increased risk of cardiovascular disease, and the risk increases in older women and women who smoke. Pregnancy also increases the risk of cardiovascular disease. Recent studies reporting 1) an increased risk of venous thrombosis and 2) a decreased risk of myocardial infarction with new formulations of the OC underscore the importance of taking individual circumstances into account when prescribing OCs. The new studies also indicate a need for additional research on the effects of OC use.
Menlo Park, California, Henry J. Kaiser Family Foundation, 1995 Mar 20.  p.This document summarizes public opinions expressed about adolescent sexuality and pregnancy in the Kaiser Survey on Public Knowledge and Attitudes on Contraception and Unplanned Pregnancy administered via telephone in 1994 to a random national sample of 2002 adults. The survey indicated that most US adults have a fairly realistic view about adolescent sexuality with 73% agreeing that teenage sexual activity has been increasing. Most adults know that at least 70% of 18-year-old women and 79% of 18-year-old men have been sexually active (1986-88 data), but most adults erroneously believe that more than a third of 14-year-old adolescents engage in sexual intercourse when the actual figure is 23% (in 1988). A third of the respondents correctly estimated that 33-53% of US women experienced an adolescent pregnancy, but another third overestimated and the rest underestimated the percentage. While 85% of respondents reported that having a child during adolescent makes a mother more likely to resort to welfare, only 55% of mothers on welfare had their first child during adolescence. While 84% of adults believe adolescent childbearing makes it less likely a woman will complete her education, more than 70% of adolescent mothers complete high school. Most US adults believe that women who gave birth as adolescents will be less likely to earn a good salary. In fact women who became adolescent mothers are four times as likely as women who postponed child bearing to live in poverty during their 20s and early 30s.
The Kaiser Survey on Public Knowledge and Attitudes on Contraception and Unplanned Pregnancy: abortion rates.
Menlo Park, California, Henry J. Kaiser Family Foundation, 1994.  p. (94-1427B-01a)The 1994 Kaiser Foundation Survey on Public Knowledge and Attitudes on Contraception and Unplanned Pregnancy included telephone interviews with a nationally representative, random sample of 2002 adult US men and women. This document presents the questionnaire and mean responses for the section on abortion rates. Respondents estimated that 35% of pregnancies in the US were terminated by induced abortion. 49% perceived the US abortion rate to be increasing, 41% thought it was remaining the same, and 8% believed it was decreasing. 49% of respondents considered the abortion rate to be higher in the US than in other developed countries (e.g., Canada, Great Britain, Germany), 28% thought it was about the same, and 16% considered it to be lower in the US. They estimated that 49% of US abortions involved teenagers, 46% were for low-income women, and 42% involved minority women. They further believed that 31% of all US women 12-50 years old had had an abortion. Unplanned pregnancy was viewed as a very big problem in the US by 60%, somewhat of a big problem by 30%, not a very big problem by 5%, and not a problem at all by 2%. Compared with a decade ago, the percentage of US women with unplanned pregnancies was considered much higher by 27%, higher by 42%, about the same by 20%, lower by 8%, and much lower by 1%.
REPRODUCTIVE HEALTH MATTERS. 1997 May; (9):147-8.Adoption of Colombia's 1991 Constitution has sparked debate on issues such as abortion, and the rulings of Constitutional Court judges, while still anti-abortion, have begun to reflect divided opinions about women's reproductive freedom. Abortion remains illegal and, in the past 2 years, the Court has decided two cases in favor of punishing women who had abortions, even in cases of rape. In reaching these conclusions, six of the nine judges argued that the constitution fails to protect reproductive rights, that women's dignity is not compromised by continuing a pregnancy caused by rape, and that the criminalization of abortion does not violate a couple's right to decide the number of their children. The dissenting opinion, however, held that a fetus has no juridical existence and cannot be protected by fundamental rights, that the right of reproductive autonomy is related to Constitutional norms, and that it is unjust to force a woman to continue a pregnancy resulting from rape. The judges holding the minority opinion accused the majority of exhibiting a lack of impartiality by adopting the official Roman Catholic position about abortion. The addition of three high court judges to those who are calling for decriminalization of abortion has stimulated increased objective debate about abortion in Colombia.
The new politics of immigration: "balanced-budget conservatism" and the symbolism of Proposition 187.
SOCIAL PROBLEMS. 1996 Aug; 43(3):284-305.This paper focuses on the politics of the new immigration restrictionism as manifest in Proposition 187, passed by California voters in 1994. I first show that restrictionist sentiment and immigrant scapegoating have a long history in U.S. immigration politics, briefly reviewing three periods of early nativism....I then make two principal arguments. First, I argue that the new nativism embodied in Proposition 187--which would bar undocumented immigrants in California from receiving social services, including public schooling--corresponds to specific features of the late twentieth-century political-economic landscape....Second...I show that Proposition 187 is symbolic in that it derives from and evokes beliefs about immigrants' responsibility and blame for the current economic and fiscal crisis. In addition, I suggest that Proposition 187 may represent a new kind of symbolic politics in which alienated voters--those who bother to vote at all--use their ballot symbolically to express anger and 'send a message.' (EXCERPT)
Austin, Texas, University of Texas, Texas Population Research Center, 1996. 22,  p. (Texas Population Research Center Paper No. 96-97-08)Immigration issues have risen once again to a prominent place on the public policy agenda of the United States....To understand why policy makers and the public have grown increasingly concerned about immigration, it is helpful to examine recent trends in the magnitude of flows of persons coming into the country compared to those at earlier time periods....Thus, the specific purposes of this paper are: (1) to develop a portrait of the recent major migration flows to the United States, (2) to assess their implications for the racial/ethnic composition of the U.S. population, and (3) to examine the economic context in which they have occurred. The general goal is to try to explain not only why recent migration flows have come to be negatively perceived, but also why they appear increasingly to be seen as violating the prevailing sense of social contract in the United States. (EXCERPT)
In: Understanding the new politics of abortion, edited by Malcolm L. Goggin. Newbury Park, California, Sage Publications, 1993. 268-84.This document is the 15th chapter in a book which provides a framework for considering the "new politics" of abortion in the US (created when the Supreme Court gave states more leeway in regulating access to abortion) and the last in a section devoted to an examination of state abortion policy and politics. This chapter analyzes the impact of female state legislators on abortion legislation. The study hypothesizes that the presence of a significant number of female legislators, especially Democrats, will affect state abortion policy at the committee level (where bills can be blocked). This study concludes that parental consent regulations and public funding of abortion are distinct dimensions of state abortion policy and uses three measures of state opinion toward abortion (Roman Catholic membership, proportion of professional women in the adult female population, and membership in the National Abortion Rights Action League). A table illustrates a simple model of state public funding and parental notification policies which indicates that women legislators may make a difference in parental notification legislation but not in funding policies. This test confirms the validity of Thomas's 1991 hypothesis that the presence of a threshold number of women legislators is important in predicting state abortion policy outputs regarding parental notification and indicates that to have an effect, these women must be Democrats. The analysis then examines post-Webster bills to determine how women may have influenced their fate in committees (which would indicate that the presence of women on key committees is more important than the number of women legislators). It is concluded that states with the fewest women and those most likely to pass anti-abortion legislation have Democratic women on committees blocking this legislation. Using the scales developed in this study, it is predicted that most state policies will remain stable even if Roe were overturned.
In: Understanding the new politics of abortion, edited by Malcolm L. Goggin. Newbury Park, California, Sage Publications, 1993. 222-48.This document is the 13th chapter in a book which provides a framework for considering the "new" politics of abortion in the US (created when the Supreme Court gave states more leeway in regulating access to abortion) and the fourth of six chapters in a section devoted to an examination of state abortion policy and politics. This chapter reports on research which indicates that the proportion of women in state legislature has an effect on state abortion policy and that abortion restrictions are less likely to be implemented in states with more women elected officials. The chapter also considers whether mobilization by women contributes to a lack of relationship between policy enactment (restrictions) and policy outcomes (stable abortion rates). After reviewing the extent and reason for state differences in abortion rates and restrictions, it is noted that general support for women's rights is not necessarily linked with abortion legislation or other feminist policies. After describing six possible indicators of mobilization by women, the functional form of the relationship between the strongest indicator (the proportion of women in the state legislature) is tested against several measures of state policies affecting women. Finally, the impact of state politics and policies on state abortion rates is considered and it is found that abortion rates have remained stable despite state restrictions. State restrictions, however, may result in more women seeking out-of-state abortions. Mobilization by women has little independent impact on the enactment of policies supportive of equal rights for women but may reduce the erosion of public commitment to feminist policies. It is concluded that actual reductions in abortion rates may be achieved by increased spending on welfare and family planning rather than through restricted policies.
In: Understanding the new politics of abortion, edited by Malcolm L. Goggin. Newbury Park, California, Sage Publications, 1993. 203-21.This document is the 12th chapter in a book which provides a framework for considering the "new" politics of abortion in the US (created when the Supreme Court gave states more leeway in regulating access to abortion) and the third of six chapters in a section devoted to an examination of state abortion policy and politics. This chapter assesses the impact of the Supreme Court's Webster and Casey decisions on state-level abortion policy-making and considers who wins when public opinion collides with interest groups. After briefly reviewing the Webster and Casey decisions, public support for abortion is shown to be significant but to increase for abortions in special circumstances (calling for caution when matching public opinion to specific policies). The public opinion data base for this study was the 1990 Washington Post Exit Poll which surveyed 9444 voters from 41 states and the District of Columbia. The chapter continues with a consideration of the influence of interest groups on state policy and of the dependent variable of state abortion policy (whether the state passed legislation calling for a constitutional ban on abortion). An initial examination is then made of whether abortion policy is a function of ideology, partisanship, or abortion demand. After concluding that none of these are related to state abortion policy, the impact of state public opinion on abortion and the mobilization of the interest group system is estimated on state action on the constitutional ban. This reveals that when opinion is narrowly divided or leans slightly to one side, the opposing interest groups may prevail. Public opinion can only consistently defeat organized interests when it is nearly consensual. After projecting a simulation onto the post-Webster age to discern the policy implications, it is concluded that the post-Webster and Casey changes in political venue may not result in much substantive change in policy and that interest groups can sometimes block public opinion in the policy-making process.
In: Understanding the new politics of abortion, edited by Malcolm L. Goggin. Newbury Park, California, Sage Publications, 1993. 190-202.This document is the 11th chapter in a book which provides a framework for considering the "new" politics of abortion in the US (created when the Supreme Court gave states more leeway in regulating access to abortion) and the second of six chapters in a section devoted to an examination of state abortion policy and politics. This chapter examines the relationship between the abortion attitudes held by state residents and the abortion policies of their states. The chapter opens by noting that the states now dictate the future of abortion policy and by reviewing relevant studies. A thermostatic model is then presented of state abortion opinion and policy which relates absolute state preferences (what state residents want in terms of abortion policy), state abortion policy, and relative state preferences (what people want relative to existing abortion policy). The model hypothesizes that state relative and absolute preferences are positively related, but that the former is negatively and the latter positively related to state abortion policy. Data gathered from 1990 CBS/New York Times polls in 42 states are used to examine the connections empirically at a single point in time. The restrictiveness of abortion policy is calculated by summing the value of the states' abortion laws on a range of 1-18. The analysis reveals that a positive, but modest, relationship exists between state absolute preferences and state abortion policy. Also, absolute and relative state preferences are closely related, and the unexplained variation seen in relative preferences may be due to the restrictiveness of the policy itself. It appears that state voters respond to abortion policy and adjust their preferences for more or less policy activity according to what policy is actually made.
In: Understanding the new politics of abortion, edited by Malcolm L. Goggin. Newbury Park, California, Sage Publications, 1993. 123-33.This document is the seventh chapter in a book which provides a framework for considering the "new" politics of abortion in the US (created when the Supreme Court gave states more leeway in regulating access to abortion) and the second of four chapters in a section devoted to an exploration of conflict in a variety of institutional settings. This chapter analyzes the legislative behavior of politicians in Idaho during a 1990 abortion controversy caused by the passage and veto of bill H625 which would have created the most restrictive abortion law in the US. In this study, the unit of analysis was the individual legislator and the dependent variable was the vote. Independent variables were the legislator's gender, party affiliation, and religion and the legislative district's religious composition. After an introduction, the chapter describes the Bill and its legislative journey from its introduction on February 9th to its veto on March 31st. The literature on legislative decision-making is reviewed to explain that this vote can be categorized as an "abnormal" decision based on factors which differ from the norm. It was found that 41/46 members of the Mormon church, 21/59 Protestants, and 10/20 Catholics voted for H625. The pro-choice position was supported by 65% of the female and 36% of the male legislators and by 26/39 Democrats but only 27/86 Republicans. In the subsequent 1990 election, the primary sponsor and author of the Senate version of the bill and the Senate Majority Leader were defeated by pro-choice women. The sponsor won reelection in 1992 after promising not to pursue abortion legislation. Anti-abortion groups have indicated that they will again seek legislation to restrict abortion rights if a pro-life governor is elected in the state.
In: Understanding the new politics of abortion, edited by Malcolm L. Goggin. Newbury Park, California, Sage Publications, 1993. 89-103.This chapter in a book which provides a framework for considering the "new" politics of abortion in the US (created when the Supreme Court gave states more leeway in regulating access to abortion) is the fifth and final chapter in a section dealing with conflict; in this case, conflicting values and attitudes among anti-abortion and pro-choice supporters presented with adoption as an alternative to abortion. It is hypothesized that it is relatively easy to have an opinion supporting adoption as an alternative for abortion but that this support lessens when it is linked to government financing for adoption. The analysis first examines the structure of support for adoption and public funding separately and then links the issues through a four-part typology showing support for adoption and public funding of it, rejection of both options, and support for one option but not the other. It is found that the most support for adoption as a solution to abortion comes from the socially conservative predisposed against abortion. The strongest predictor of adoption funding support is support for funding abortion (social welfare spending). Other predictors are opposition to abortion (positively related) and age (negatively related). While supporters of adoption as an alternative are generally opposed to public spending on social welfare, dedicated supporters of adoption appear willing to lessen their resistance to government spending to pursue their favored alternative to abortion. Abortion supporters generally already favor social welfare spending and have nothing to offer a compromise on financing. It is concluded that policy alternatives to abortion for unwanted pregnancy would be difficult to fashion and that potential compromise would more likely be successful if it were directed towards contraception.
In: Understanding the new politics of abortion, edited by Malcolm L. Goggin. Newbury Park, California, Sage Publications, 1993. 1-18.This introductory chapter to a book which describes the new politics of abortion in the US provides a framework for understanding the new situation and predicting future developments. The chapter outlines the parameters of the new politics of abortion ushered in by the 1989 Supreme Court decision in Webster vs. Reproductive Health Services which gave states more leeway to regulate access to abortion. These parameters are described by contrasting the "old" and "new" politics of abortion in terms of the political context which is described through consideration of major abortion court cases from 1973 to the present, attitudes expressed toward the legality of abortion from 1975 to 1988, and the activities of pro-choice and anti-abortion groups by year and type for 1985-89. The chapter then provides a framework which enhances understanding of this new political situation by assessing the scope and nature of the abortion conflict (in terms of religious, political, ideological, gender, class, and racial conflict) and the institutional context which provides an arena for this conflict. Abortion conflict can be understood by 1) considering Schattschneider's concept of the losing side's tactic of "expanding the scope of the conflict" versus the winning side's efforts to contain the scope of the conflict to maintain the favorable balance of power and 2) applying Greenstone and Peterson's distinction between "ideological" and "pluralistic" bargaining (abortion politics is characterized by pluralistic bargaining because each side is trying to defeat the other side rather than to persuade it to change its position). The chapter ends by posing the questions which will be addressed in the book and presenting the plan of the book.