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Your search found 7 Results

  1. 1

    Public and legislative acceptance of population policy issues.

    Zawacki A; Reeder LG; Bailey K; Hensler D

    [Unpublished] 1973 Aug. Paper presented at Annual Meeting, American Sociological Assn., New York City, Aug 27-30 1973. 11 p.

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  2. 2

    Family planning in Colombia: changes in attitude and acceptance, 1964-69.

    Simmons AB; Cardona R

    Ottawa, Canada, International Development Research Centre, 1973. 30 p. (IDRC-009e)

    This paper evaluates the progress of a Latin American population through stages in family planning adoption. The focus is on changes in knowledge of contraception, attitudes, and practices which occurred over 5 years (1964-69) of widespread public discussion concerning family planning and of program activity in Bogota, Colombia. Data from 2 surveys, 1 in 1964 and the other in 1969, permit the 1st temporal analysis of family planning adoption for a major metropolitan city in Latin America. Additional data on rural and small urban areas of Colombia from the 2nd survey permit a limited assessment of diffusion of family planning from the city to the nation as a whole. The 1st survey in Bogota revealed moderate to high levels of knowledge of contraceptive methods and generally favorable attitudes to birth limitation. However, at this time many women had never spoken to their husbands about the number of children they wanted, nor tried a contraceptive method at any time. The 2nd survey showed substantial changes in this picture. The proportion of currently mated women who had spoken to their husbands about family size preference changed from 43 to 62% for an increase of 71%. Fertility fell appreciably over this period, especially among younger women. Family planning program services had a significant direct contribution to the adoption process, since 36% of mated women had been to a clinic by 1969. The most modern methods of birth control -- the anovulatory pill and the intrauterine device -- which were scarcely known in 1964 were widely known in 1969, and contributed most to the observed increase in current contraceptive practice. However, among the previously known methods, the simplest method of all, withdrawal (coitus interruptus), showed the greatest increase in current practice and remained the most commonly used method. These findings suggest that favorable attitudes and knowledge tend to become rather widespread before levels of husband-wife discussion of family size preferences and levels of contraceptive trial increase appreciably. The results also indicate that contraceptive knowledge and favorable family planning attitudes are spreading rapidly outward from the cities into the rural areas, but that contraceptive practice is still predominantly restricted to urban populations. (author's)
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  3. 3

    Panchayat Rai, rural development and the political economy of village India.

    Nicholson NK

    Ithaca, New York, Cornell Univ., Center for International Studies, Rural Development Committee, and South Asia Program, 1973. 61 p. (Rural Development Committee. Occasional Papers; No. 1)

    This report investigates the effects that different aspects of political economy have on the rural development of "Village India." More specifically it examines the consequences of a 1960 Indian Government decision to direct its rural development through 2 new local institutions: a cooperative economic system among Indian farmers and a new form of local self-government called "Panchayat Raj," or rule by Panchayats (local leaders). These 2 local institutions were created with the idea that local self-help and collective attacks on common problems coupled with cooperation between local agencies and the state government would improve the position of the farmer in Indian society. The evolution of government agricultural policy in India is examined. In particular, the author discusses the community development program initiated in India in 1952 and the reaction of the Indian community. 3 basic bodies of opinion are identified: The Civil Servants, The Gandhians and the Planning Commission economists. A description is given of the development of social and power structures of a "traditional" Indian village including the jajmani (landlord) system, the caste panchayat and the vilage panchayat. A picture is given of the current economic and political structure of India. Land is still the major source of economic power in India. The panchayat leader is not perceived by the Indian villages as having legitimate political authority or as their true representative. The villager sees the Pradhan as the conduit of private benefits. The outside world sees him as the leader of a progressive community. The villager might well wish that the panchayat leaders would act for the public good, but their experience is otherwise and the factional basis of electoral politics in the village inhibits such a stance.
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  4. 4

    Relationships between governments and voluntary family planning associations.

    London, International Planned Parenthood Federation, March 1973. Family Planning Reviews. No. 1. 40 p

    The report discusses general trends in relationships between governments and voluntary family planning associations and the specifics relevant to particular nations. At the beginning of 1973, 109 nongovernmental family planning associations existed and 40 governments carried out official programs. In many nations governmental participation occurs even without an official policy. Some governments provide family planning arrangements within the regular public health network. In some cases the government assists private efforts with funding, facilities, or doctors' time. A combination of approaches is typical. As government takes on more responsibilities, private associations often relinquish their service roles and expand their educational and motivational activities. In the future, government involvement and interest in family planning should increase. Charts summarize the international situation in government/voluntary family planning association relationships.
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  5. 5

    The teenage birth control dilemma and public opinion.

    Blake J

    Science. May 18, 1973; 180(4087):708-712.

    Between January 1969 and August 1972, 4 national Gallup surveys were conducted among white men and women of voting age, as a part of a project to collect and analyze public attitudes on population issues. Public support for educational efforts in high school has been relatively high among men over the entire time period, but during the past 2 years feminine assent has been increasing with 71% of each sex by August 1972 favoring birth control education in public high schools. The least approval came from less advantaged groups but the differential by educational level in 1972 compared to 1969 has become a minor instead of a major cleavage. Approval for making birth control services available to teenage girls was found in slightly more than 1/2 of the population. Among men approval increased 25% between 1969 and 1972; among women 77%. Among groups where the young are most in need of free birth control services, such as the less advantaged, approval though increasing, is still low. In August 1972 less than 1/3 of white adult Americans regarded premarital relations as permissable. 65% of men and 42% of women under age 30 were permissive toward premarital relations, as contrasted to 21% of men and 12% of women aged 45 or over. In effect the increase in approval of birth control services seems more to reflect a rise in permissiveness than pragmatism. There were no significant differences between Catholics and non-Catholics in any area of these surveys.
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  6. 6

    A study of the relationship between attitudes towards world population growth and USA population growth.

    Barnett LD

    Journal of Biosocial Science. 1973; 5:61-69.

    A total of 4841 adults, 21 years of age or older were interviewed in the fall of 1967, in a national poll sponsored by the Population Council concerning the rate of U.S. and world population growth. About 1/2 of all respondents saw both the U.S. and world population growth as a serious problem, about 1 in 5 felt the world population growth rate was serious and the U.S. rate not serious, roughly 1 in 7 thought that both rates were not serious, and 1 in 25 thought the U.S. rate serious and the world rate not serious. As educational level increased the proportion viewing both rates as not serious tended to drop. The proportion thinking the world rate serious and the U.S. rate not serious was increased steadily from those with Grade 8 or less schooling (14%) to those who were college graduates (31%) and from those in families earning under $3000 annually (13%) to those in families earning at least $10,000 (28%). As educational level increased, the proportion viewing both the world and U.S. growth rates as not serious, tended to drop. The proportion viewing both the rates as serious increased from East to Midwest to South to West (45%, 49%, 50%, 53% respectively), while the proportion considering the 2 rates as not serious tended to decline (20%, 18%, 15%, 11%). Caucasians were more likely to view both the world and U.S. population growth as serious or world but not U.S. growth as serious, than Negores. Negroes were more likely to consider the U.S. rate as serious and the world rate as not serious. Catholics were more likely than Protestants to define the 2 rates as not serious. Of the respondents viewing the world rate as serious, roughly 2/3 consider the U.S. rate to be a serious problem. Among those viewing the world rate as not a serious problem about 4 out of 5 felt the U.S. rate also was not serious. Females defining the world rate as a serious problem were more likely than males with this view to see the U.S. rate as serious. 9 out of 10 who felt the U.S. rate was a serious problem defined the world rate as serious. The view that the world rate is not serious is a strong predictor of the view that the U.S. rate is not serious.
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  7. 7

    Social pressure on family size intentions.

    Griffith J

    Perspectives. 1973 Fall; 5(4):237-242.

    Reporting on responses of 311 women and 412 men to questions about family size and social pressures to have a certain number of children, data shows 2 children make an acceptable family size while 1 child does not. A family of 5 children is considered too large, but only 25% of the women say 4 children are too many; While the 2 child family is acceptable, figures indicate widespread tolerance of families as large as 3-4 children. Below 2 children and after 5, data indicate overt social pressures are exerted on couples to have an acceptable family size. Changes in economic conditions, shorter work week, unemployment for women could facilitate upward revision of family size into 3-4 child fertility intentions.
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