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Your search found 13 Results

  1. 1
    Peer Reviewed

    Bulgaria: Ethnic differentials in rapidly declining fertility.

    Koytcheva E; Philipov D

    Demographic Research. 2008 Jul 1; 19(13):361-402.

    This chapter provides a detailed description of the fertility changes in Bulgaria during recent decades and discusses possible reasons and consequences. It also gives an overview of the steps that the government has undertaken to offset the considerable decline in fertility. Before the fall of communism, fertility trends in Bulgaria were stable and characterized by a nearly universal entry into parenthood, dominance of a two-child family model, an early start and early end of childbearing, stable mean ages at entry into childbearing and marriage, and low percentages of non-marital births. During the 1990s and in the first years of the new century, we observe a marked, rapid change in fertility behaviour. Together with the severe decline in overall fertility rates, demographic data reveal a significant postponement of entry into motherhood and marriage, a decline of the two-child family model, and an emergence of new family forms. Most research attributes these changes to the particular political and social situation in Bulgaria since 1989. (author's)
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  2. 2

    [Homoaffectivity and human rights] Homo-afetividade e direitos humanos.

    Mott L

    Revista Estudos Feministas. 2006 May-Sep; 14(2):509-521.

    The civil union between persons of the same sex is analyzed in this essay through the discussion of the roots of the anti-homosexual prejudice and the fight for the citizenship of gays, lesbians and transgenders in Brazil, and through listing the different manifestations of homofobia in our social environment. We deconstruct the contrary opinions against the homosexual marriage, justifying with etho-historical evidences the extending of equal rights to the couples of the same sex, including the legal recognition of the civil union. (author's)
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  3. 3

    [Major findings from the second public opinion survey on population issues in Japan, 1995]

    Kaneko T; Inaba H; Shiraishi N; Nakagawa S


    The Institute of Population Problems carried out the second public opinion survey on population issues in Japan on 15 June, 1995....[It] aimed at grasping current public opinions on population issues, and it also intended to derive [the] most recent reproduction indices in Japan, for the purpose of contributing to the population projections and the effective planning and management of the administration. Information is included on marriage intentions and timing, fertility decline, population size, urbanization, and attitudes toward the provision of foreign aid for population control. (SUMMARY IN ENG) (EXCERPT)
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  4. 4

    Family norms in advanced industrial societies.

    Marini MM; Shu X

    [Unpublished] 1995. Presented at the Annual Meeting of the Population Association of America, San Francisco, California, April 6-8, 1995. [2], 29, [10] p.

    Data from the 1981-83 World Values Survey among 17 industrialized countries are analyzed in this study of beliefs about divorce, single parenthood, and parent-child relationships associated with family behavior. The countries profiled are: Australia, Belgium, Britain, Canada, Denmark, France, Iceland, Ireland, Italy, Japan, the Netherlands, Northern Ireland, Norway, Spain, Sweden, the United States, and West Germany. Comparisons are also made to data from Hungary, the former Soviet Union, Mexico, and South Africa. Findings indicate a greater acceptance in Scandinavian countries of divorce, single parenthood, and lower ideal family size. There is a lower acceptance of the belief that parents are owed unconditional love and respect and that parents should sacrifice themselves for their children. France appears similar to Scandinavian countries in acceptance of divorce and single parenthood but differs in the emphasis on parental authority and responsibility. The more highly developed countries tend to be more accepting of divorce, to have lower ideal family size, and lower levels of belief in parental authority. Level of economic development appears unrelated to acceptance of single parenthood. Protestant dominated countries tend to have higher levels of development. Catholic dominated countries favor unconditional love and respect for parents and parental sacrifices for children. Japan is similar to the US and Canada on divorce, ideal family size, and parental authority beliefs but differs in acceptance of single parenthood, which is low in Japan. Norms and behavior are not always synonymous. The US has high divorce rates and lower acceptance of divorce. Italy officially accepted divorce only recently, but normative acceptance is high. Acceptance of single parenthood is highly correlated with normative beliefs about divorce. Most of the variance of family norms, gender role norms, and religiosity occurs within rather than between industrialized countries. Religiosity measures exhibit the widest variance between countries. Findings reveal the presence of an interrelated set of norms governing family behavior in advanced industrialized countries.
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  5. 5

    Polygyny in Istanbul, 1885-1926.

    Behar C

    MIDDLE EASTERN STUDIES. 1991 Jul; 27(3):477-86.

    Middle Eastern surveys n the 1970s were incompatible with the data reflected in this presentation of trends in polygyny in Istanbul between 1885-1926 from census forms. The trends for Istanbul indicate that 2.29% of all married men were married polygynously (2.51% in 1885 and 2.16% in 1906). These rates appear low when compared to 3.4% in Egypt in 1947 or 7.5% in Iraq in 1957. Islamic law permits up to 4 wives, but in Istanbul the usual practice is 2.08% wives or bigamy. Incidence as well as intensity of polygyny is low. The history of public opinion about this practice in Istanbul shows an increasingly disapproving trend. In 1917, the Family Law Act specified that any woman could forbid her husband from taking a second wife and was granted an automatic divorce if the husband took a second wife. In 1924-25, the draft of the Civil Code stipulated that polygynous marriages were granted only with special permission from the judge upon proof by the husband that he "needed" a second wife and that he would be fair to both wives. In 1926, polygyny was made illegal, and the rate was unaffected. After 1930, no official records were kept. An opinion poll was conducted by a newspaper in 1924, and published letters reported that polygyny should be forbidden and should be allowed in cases where the wife is sterile. Most correspondents were against using polygyny to increase the Turkish population. In polygynous marriages, the woman's mean age at marriage is similar to that in monogamous marriages, but the man's mean age is an average of 4.25 years older. Comparative tables of marriages by type show that men marry the second, younger, wife 8.5 years after the first marriage when the men are approximately 40 years old. Model life tables are constructed to show the relationship between mortality patterns and polygyny, so that polygyny looks more like overlapping monogamous marriages. Unmarried women are the typical second partner. Urban women tend to be less involved in polygyny. Men with a strong religious background or men in a high official rank were slightly more often involved in polygyny.
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  6. 6

    [The strengthening of family cohesion and the divorce rate] Consolidarea coeziunii familiale si rata divortialitatii.

    Mihailescu I

    VIITORUL SOCIAL. 1987 Nov-Dec; 80(6):520-8.

    Recent trends in divorce in Romania are analyzed. The author develops a theory concerning the factors influencing family stability and dissolution in the context of recent social, political, and economic changes. Data are from recent sociological research carried out in Bucharest and from research into public opinion. The article concludes with recommendations for preventing an increase in the divorce rate. (ANNOTATION)
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  7. 7

    [Illegitimacy in Austria] Illegitimitat in Osterreich.

    Kytir J; Munz R


    The authors study illegitimacy, its historical roots, and variations in the frequency of illegitimate births in three regions of Austria. They discuss historical centers of illegitimate births, social traditions, benefits available to unwed mothers, and differences in regional attitudes toward illegitimacy. Changes in marriage patterns and illegitimacy by administrative district are also discussed (SUMMARY IN ENG) (ANNOTATION)
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  8. 8

    Italians' attitudes towards the births decline and the acceptance of a population policy concerning fertility

    Menniti A; Palomba R; Sabbadini LL

    In: Contribution of Italian scholars to the IUSSP XX General Conference/Contribution des Italiens au XX Congres General de l'UIESP, Firenze, 5-12 giugno 1985. Rome, Italy, Consiglio Nazionale delle Ricerche, Istituto di Ricerche sulla Popolazione, 1985. 125-42.

    This paper reports the results of a survey carried out in Italy in 1983-84 of attitudes and opinions concerning current demographic trends and population policy. The 1503 respondents answered questions on topics such as nuptiality, the image of marriage, life style changes, population structure, the causes and effects of the recent fertility decline, ideal and actual family size, birth spacing, and state intervention in population issues. 93% of respondents were aware that births have declined in the past 10 years, and most attributed this to economic factors. 52% of respondents indicated the fertility decline is a positive trend in light of socioeconomic factors such as unemployment and the housing crisis. In addition, 56% expressed the opinion that ideal family size in Italy (2.2 children) is congruent with actual family size. 67% of respondents indicated that the State should not interfere in any way in the reproductive behavior of Italian citizens. 26% favored intervention, either to increase (12%), maintain (8%), or decrease (6%) present fertility levels. In general, respondents equated state intervention in fertility with repression and violation of personal freedom akin to that which occurred under the fascist regime. The minority of respondents who were in favor of state intervention, either to increase or decrease fertility, expressed a preference for noncoercive measures such as public information campaigns and removal of economic barriers to parenthood. These results suggest that Italy's family policy should be based on democratic consensus and guarantee reproductive choice to couples without outside interference or reference to questions of national welfare.
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  9. 9

    [Reversal of trends--or change of attitudes? Attitudes on marriage and parenthood of 18- to 28-year-old German women in 1978 and 1983] Wende--oder Einstellungswandel? Heiratsabsichten und Kinderwunsch 18- bis 28jahriger deutscher Frauen 1978 und 1983

    Pohl K

    Zeitschrift fur Bevolkerungswissenschaft. 1985; 11(1):89-110.

    Changing attitudes toward marriage, consensual unions, and family formation in the Federal Republic of Germany are analyzed using data from surveys carried out in 1978 and 1983 among German women aged 18-28. Each survey included 1,000 women in first marriages and 1,000 single women. The findings, which reveal clear differences between the two birth cohorts, indicate increasing acceptance of consensual unions and a decreasing tendency to marry; however, they also indicate a trend toward a more pro-natalist orientation. A comparison with data from a longitudinal study "suggests that the differences between the women interviewed in 1978 and those interviewed in 1983 are less cohort-specific, but rather due to external factors of the social context which gained significance between the spring of 1982 and the autumn of 1983." (summary in ENG, FRE) (EXCERPT)
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  10. 10

    Exploring the normative basis for age at marriage in Thailand: an example from focus group research.

    Pramualratana A; Havanon N; Knodel J

    In: Perspectives on the Thai marriage, edited by Aphichat Chamratrithirong. Bangkok, Thailand, Mahidol University, Institute for Population and Social Research, 1984. 181-204. (IPSR Publication No. 81)

    Using the focus group approach, which involves discussions with groups of 6-10 persons, this study attempts to uncover prevailing cultural norms and values in Thailand regarding the right age for 1st marriage. Responses from 23 focus group sessions held in various parts of the country reveal that the minimum age considered desirable at marriage is linked with culturally oriented perceptions of maturity and the ability to undertake responsibilities that come with marriage, and this was true for men as well as women. In general, the age considered ideal at marriage in popular opinion comes close to the actual average age at which men and women marry in Thailand today (about 22 for women and 24-25 for men). In the discussions, the most common complaint was not that couples were marrying too late, but the contrary. Parents themselves wished that their children would marry when they are old and responsible enough, but were not sure if the children would comply. In addition, it was emphasized that men should have completed military service and been temporarity ordained as monks before marrying, so that their duties toward their families can be carried out without interruption. Although a certain age was considered ideal for 1st marriage, there was no rigidity in the opinions on this matter, supporting the frequent characterization of the Thai society as a loosely-structured one. The paper discusses the significance of the findings generated by the study within social, religious and cultural contexts. The marits and limitations of the focus group approach to the study of nuptiality are also presented.
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  11. 11

    [The value of permanence in marriage among white and Indian women] Die waarde van permanensie in die huwelik by Blanke en Indiervroue.

    de Kock CP

    Pretoria, South Africa, South African Human Sciences Research Council, Institute for Sociological, Demographic and Criminological Research, 1977. 17, iii p. (Research Finding/Navorsingsbevinding S-N-83)

    Using data from two surveys, the author measures attitudes toward divorce in general, toward remarriage, and toward specific reasons for divorce among Afrikaans-speaking white women and Indian women in South Africa (SUMMARY IN ENG) (ANNOTATION)
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  12. 12

    [The opinion of the migrant worker's wife concerning the influence of migrant labor on her marriage and family life] Die trekarbeider se vrou se mening oor die invloed van trekarbeid op haar huweliks- en gesinslewe.

    Erasmus PA

    Pretoria, South Africa, South African Human Sciences Research Council, Institute for Sociological, Demographic and Criminological Research, 1979. iii, 37, iii p. (Research Finding/Navorsingsbevinding S-N-120)

    Results are presented from a 1976 survey of the opinion of migrant workers' wives regarding the impact of the migrant labor system in South Africa on marriage and family life. Data are for 591 respondents in three Transkei districts. (ANNOTATION)
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  13. 13

    [Demographic trends and policy responses] Tendenzen der Bevolkerungsentwicklung und politische Reaktionen/Tendances demographiques et reponses politiques/Tendenze demografiche e risposte politiche

    Switzerland. Bundesamt fur Statistik

    Bern, Switzerland, Bundesamt fur Statistik, 1982. 39 p. (Beitrage zur Schweizerischen Statistik/Contributions a la Statistique Suisse/Contributi alla Statistica Svizzera no. 95)

    This document is the text of a report prepared by the Swiss government on the objectives and measures of its policies affecting demographic trends. The Swiss population increased by 1.42%/year between 1950-60 and 1.45% from 1960-70, but by 1970-80 the growth rate had declined to .15%/year. Switzerland, with a population in 1980 of 6,366,000, has been a country of immigration for over a century. The declining population growth rate of the 1970s was caused by increasing controls on the number of foreign immigrants and guest workers and by a decline in the birth rate. The Swiss population is aging; in 1980 13.7% were 65 or over and only 27.7% were under 20. The proportion of never married adults has increased, the number of divorces has increased, and the age at 1st marriage has increased to 27.4 for men and 24.9 for women in 1979. Women in 1980 had an average of 1.53 children each, up from 1.49 in 1978. Life expectancy in 1979 was 72.1 for men and 78.7 for women, and infant mortality in 1980 was 9/1000 live births. The Swiss government has tended to play a passive role in matters of population, with the exception of the rapid increase in foreigners in the 1960s and 70s. Few studies of the attitudes of the Swiss population toward the country's demographic development have been done, but 5 surveys undertaken betwen 1970-81 demonstrate widespread support of the government's restrictive migration policies. Apart from its desire for a balance between the native and foreign populations, the Swiss government has not indicated its demographic preferences for the future. However, issues of fertility and family constitution have played a role in some measures such as family allowances. The migration policy, in addition to seeking a balance between the foreign and native populations, also aims to assure the integration of longterm foreign residents into the Swiss population. No official institute of demographic studies exists in Switzerland, but a number of agencies and commissions carry out some demographic functions. Responsibility for demographic functions is shared by federal and local governments.
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