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  1. 1
    Peer Reviewed

    Public opinion on abortion in Mexico City after the landmark reform.

    Wilson KS; Garcia SG; Diaz Olavarrieta C; Villalobos-Hernandez A; Rodriguez JV; Smith PS; Burks C

    Studies In Family Planning. 2011 Sep; 42(3):175-82.

    This article presents findings from three opinion surveys conducted among representative samples of Mexico City residents: the first one immediately prior to the groundbreaking legalization of first-trimester abortion in April 2007, and one and two years after the reform. Bivariate and multivariate analyses were performed to assess changes in opinion concerning abortion and correlates of favorable opinion following reform. In 2009 a clear majority (74 percent) of respondents were in support of the Mexico City law allowing for elective first-trimester abortion, compared with 63 percent in 2008 and 38 percent in 2007. A significant increase in support for extending the law to the rest of Mexico was found: from 51 percent in 2007 to 70 percent in 2008 and 83 percent in 2009. In 2008 the significant independent correlates of support for the Mexico City law were education, infrequent religious service attendance, sex (being male), and political party affiliation; in 2009 they were education beyond high school, infrequent religious service attendance, and ever having been married.
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  2. 2
    Peer Reviewed

    Public opinion on abortion in eight Mexican states amid opposition to legalization.

    Valencia Rodriguez J; Wilson KS; Diaz Olavarrieta C; Garcia SG; Sanchez Fuentes ML

    Studies In Family Planning. 2011 Sep; 42(3):191-8.

    In opposition to Mexico City's legalization of first-trimester abortion, 17 Mexican states (53 percent) have introduced initiatives or reforms to ban abortion entirely, and other states have similar legislation pending. We conducted an opinion survey in eight states--four where constitutional amendments have already been approved and four with pending amendments. Using logistic regression analyses, we found that higher education, political party affiliation, and awareness of reforms/initiatives were significantly associated with support for the Mexico City law. Legal abortion was supported by a large proportion of respondents in cases of rape (45-70 percent), risk to a woman's life (55-71 percent), and risk to a woman's health (48-68 percent). A larger percentage of respondents favored the Mexico City law, which limits elective legal abortion to the first 12 weeks of gestation (32-54 percent), than elective abortion without regard to gestational limit (14-31 percent).
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  3. 3

    [Homoaffectivity and human rights] Homo-afetividade e direitos humanos.

    Mott L

    Revista Estudos Feministas. 2006 May-Sep; 14(2):509-521.

    The civil union between persons of the same sex is analyzed in this essay through the discussion of the roots of the anti-homosexual prejudice and the fight for the citizenship of gays, lesbians and transgenders in Brazil, and through listing the different manifestations of homofobia in our social environment. We deconstruct the contrary opinions against the homosexual marriage, justifying with etho-historical evidences the extending of equal rights to the couples of the same sex, including the legal recognition of the civil union. (author's)
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  4. 4

    Responsible Education About Life (REAL) Act.

    Dhingra N

    Washington, D.C., Advocates for Youth, 2005. [2] p. (The Facts)

    The Responsible Education about Life (REAL) Act, formerly the Family Life Education Act, would provide federal money to support responsible sex education in schools. This education would include science-based, medically accurate, and age appropriate public health information about both abstinence and also contraception. Representative Barbara Lee (D-CA) and Senator Frank Lautenberg (D-NJ) introduced the REAL Act in Congress (H.R. 2553 and S. 368). (excerpt)
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  5. 5

    Raising public awareness on population and human development.

    de los Reyes-Ferrer C

    Human Development Legislator. 2001 Aug; 11(7):14-15.

    The public's perceptions and endorsement of certain issues affect the enactment of proposed policy measures. Therefore, in any advocacy endeavor, efforts are made to influence public opinion. In order to gain public support, it is essential that the public be made aware of how the issue would directly affect their lives. Thus, PLCPD launched Talkpoint Radio in recognition of broadcast media's effectiveness in reaching the public. By informing the public on population and human development issues through Talkpoint Radio, PLCPD aims to raise public awareness and critical thinking on the said issues, and consequently, public support for these areas of advocacy as well. The radio production is part of a three-year communications and research project titled "Involving Legislators in Informing the Public on Reproductive Health Issues," with funding assistance from the Ford Foundation. Talkpoint Radio Talkpoint Radio started broadcast in August 1999 to become the first and only human development, population, and reproductive health-centered radio program in the country. Talkpoint began as a special segment in Womantouch, a daily radio program in DZRM that tackles gender issues. Talkpoint served as a medium for meaningful debate and interactive discussions on reproductive health, population, and human development issues, as well as a source of news on legislative and civil society advocacy efforts. (excerpt)
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  6. 6
    Peer Reviewed

    Abortion law: campaign groups and the quest for change.

    Argent V

    Journal of Family Planning and Reproductive Health Care. 2006 Oct; 32(4):215-217.

    Many groups seek a change in current UK abortion legislation. Such organisations consist of parliamentary groups, professional bodies, pro-choice and anti-abortion campaign groups and charitable service providers. Individuals have initiated court cases to achieve change. Abortion law in the UK is laid down in the Abortion Act 1967, as amended by the Human Fertilisation and Embryology Act 1990. This law allows abortion in approved circumstances, while illegal abortion is still a criminal offence under the Offences Against The Person Act 1861. Modifications of general abortion law have arisen from case law (e.g. Paton v. British Pregnancy Advisory Service Trustees, 1979). Current proposals for law reform range from complete repeal of the Abortion Act 1967 to reform of the existing legal framework. The main subjects are abortion on request up to 14 weeks' gestation, better access to early abortion, easier access to late abortion, reducing the upper limit, and restricting the definition of serious handicap. (excerpt)
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  7. 7

    Public opinion and Congressional action on work, family, and gender, 1945-1990.

    Burstein P; Wierzbicki S

    Seattle, Washington, University of Washington, Seattle Population Research Center, 1997 Jun. [50] p. (Seattle Population Research Center Working Paper No. 97-9)

    There have been tremendous changes in congressional debate and federal policy focusing on work, family, and gender since the end of World War II. This paper considers how Congress defined and redefined the "problem" of work, family, and gender; the policies it considered; and how policy changed in response to public opinion and the internal logic of the policy process. Congressional action generally moved together with public opinion, as both became more "liberal" and egalitarian over time. But critical aspects of congressional action depended on how Congress happened to view the problem and possible solutions at times when action of some kind seemed relatively urgent. Congressional action stimulated evaluation of current policies and proposals for policy innovation, by women's organizations, intellectuals, federal bureaucrats, and members of Congress, and these evaluations led to calls for further action. Changing views of pregnancy played a key role in moving policy debates from a focus solely on the workplace to a broader focus on how both men and women can balance the competing obligations of work and family. (author's)
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  8. 8

    Spatial and temporal diffusion of local antidiscrimination policies for sexual orientation.

    Klawitter MM; Hammer B

    Seattle, Washington, University of Washington, Seattle Population Research Center, 1998 Jan. 25 p. (Seattle Population Research Center Working Paper No. 98-6)

    In 1972, East Lansing Michigan adopted the first public policy banning discrimination on the basis of sexual orientation. Since then, hundreds of cities and counties and a few states have followed suit. These laws and policies have banned discrimination in private employment, government employment, housing, public accommodations, education, and credit. Recent federal attention focused on these policies as the Supreme Court ruled that states could not selectively ban local governments from adopting sexual orientation protections (Romer v. Evans, 1996) and the U.S. Senate turned down a federal antidiscrimination policy by one vote (Employment Nondiscrimination Act vote, 1996). This paper tells the story of the diffusion over time and space of local antidiscrimination policies for sexual orientation. Over time, the rate of new adoptions could be influenced by previous adoptions or by changes in public opinion or political conditions. Neighboring jurisdictions may influence adoptions because policy-makers or citizens learn about policies from near-by jurisdictions or because political interest group organization efforts spill over into nearby areas. Alternatively, policies may be adopted in close jurisdictions because they are similar in economic or demographic characteristics. Adoptions by encompassing jurisdictions could dampen the demand for local policies. Previous research has investigated the effects of political and demographic determinants on the passage of these policies. No studies have yet investigated the geographic and temporal diffusion of the antidiscrimination laws. (excerpt)
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  9. 9

    Understanding the workhouse test: information and poor relief in nineteenth-century England.

    Besley T; Coate S; Guinnane TW

    New Haven, Connecticut, Yale University, Economic Growth Center, 1993 Sep. 28 p. (Center Discussion Paper No. 701)

    The Poor Law Reform Act of 1834 sought to change the organization and basis of English poor relief policy. Central to the New Poor Law was the use of the workhouse test to eliminate outdoor relief for the able-bodied. Workhouses were large, centralized institutions for housing and feeding paupers. The workhouse test was a simple administrative device: when an individual applied for poor relief, officials could make relief conditional on entering the workhouse. While the reasons for adoption of the New Poor Law itself have been widely debated, historians have paid little attention to the workhouse test itself. On the face of it the workhouse test seems odd. Authorities could have made relief less attractive in a number of ways; why construct large, new institutions whose cost savings would be realized only in the future, if at all? We show first that the workhouse test played an important informational role, distinguishing between those the Poor Law wanted to support and those it did not. We further argue that the New Poor Law faced great difficulty in convincing the poor that the reforms were real and permanent. Construction of workhouses had two distinct functions: they acted as a signal of toughness, and also credibly committed the relief authorities to a new regime in poor relief. (author's)
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  10. 10

    The polls-trends: abortion.

    Shaw GM

    Public Opinion Quarterly. 2003 Fall; 67(3):407-429.

    This article presents public opinion data from the late 1980s to 2003 on several key aspects of abortion that have comprised the central points of debate on this issue. These include the morality of abortions, whether they should be legal, proposed constitutional amendments that would ban abortion, and support for abortion access under various specific circumstances. Several arguably second-tier issues-federal funding, spousal and parental notification, and waiting periods-are also tracked over the past decade to fill out this overview of recent public opinion trends on abortion. Because of space limitations, this collection of poll trends comprises only a portion of the available data. Various survey organizations have also asked related questions, including questions on the perceived linkage between the demand for abortions and sexual promiscuity, perceptions of why women most often seek abortions, feelings of guilt after having an abortion, support for sex education in schools, positions of the Roman Catholic Church on abortion, federal funding for abortions for poor women, as well as variations on many of the questions presented here. Among the findings from those questions is that support for abortion is largely dependent on the perceived motivations and circumstances of women who seek the procedure. Support for abortions in cases of an unwanted gender or because the pregnancy may interfere with a woman's career tends to be very low, for instance, even though general support for abortion, as gauged by questions that do not present specific circumstances, remains, more often than not, the majority position. (excerpt)
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  11. 11

    Decree No. 100/105 concerning the organization and duties of the Ministry of the Family and the Advancement of Women, 23 December 1987.



    This Decree sets forth the organization and duties of the Burundi Ministry of the Family and the Advancement of Women. The Ministry is charged with formulating government policy with respect to the advancement of women, while seeing to it that their advancement has an impact on the whole family. Among the departments of the Ministry are a Family Department and a Department for the Economic Advancement of Women. The first of these is charged with identifying family needs and problems and undertaking activities aimed at improving living conditions and permitting the harmonious development of the whole family. To this end, it has the goal of encouraging the promotion of cultural and artistic activities designed to change attitudes on the place and role of family partners. It is to watch over the educational training of youth and to contribute to safeguarding valuable ancestral values that are more and more compromised. The second department is charged with devising, studying, and executing economic development projects likely to lighten the work of women and improve the quality and quantity of this work. It is to encourage and support female initiatives generating revenue for the family. To this end, it is to formulate and channel all ministerial projects aiming to improve family living conditions and to ensure their execution and supervision. It is to negotiate technical and financial support from external organizations, both international and nongovernmental. (full text)
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  12. 12

    Circular on family planning, 1988.

    China. Hubei. Propaganda Department; China. Hubei. Provincial Communist Party Central Committee; China. Hubei. Provincial Family Planning Commission


    This Hubei, China, Circular, issued near the end of 1988, provides the following: "The population growth situation in our country is grim. Since 1986, the natural population growth rate has risen continuously. To draw the prompt attention of the whole party and the entire people to the issue of our population, all localities must seriously unfold the activities of publicizing family planning (FP) this winter and next spring, in coordination with education in current affairs. It is necessary to publicize FP in an all-around way and with accuracy, and the activities of publicizing must be carried out effectively in a solid and deep-going way. In the rural areas, stress must be placed on areas where FP work is not carried out well and where there is a prevailing tendency toward early marriage, early child-bearing, and extra-budgetary births. In cities, publicity and education must be conducted especially among the transient population, individual households, and jobless households. During the period of publicity, large-scale street-corner publicity activities must be carried out in cities and towns so as to create strong public opinion and to combine the endeavor to publicize current affairs and policies with the effort to popularize knowledge about contraception and birth-control, to execute measures of contraception and birth control, and to establish FP associations in the countryside." (full text)
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  13. 13

    Status of Women Council [Act] [3 April 1990].

    Canada. Northwest Territories


    This Canadian Act establishes a Status of Women Council to represent the women of the Northwest Territories. The objects of the Council are "a) to develop public awareness of issues affecting the status of women; b) to promote a change in attitudes within the community in order that women may enjoy equality of opportunity; c) to encourage discussion and expression of opinion by residents of the Northwest Territories on issues affecting the status of women; d) to advise the Minister on issues that the Minister may refer to the Council for consideration; e) to review policies and legislation affecting women and to report its findings to the relevant government departments or agencies; f) to provide assistance to the Minister in promoting changes to ensure the attainment of equality of women; and g) to provide the appropriate assistance to organizations and groups whose objectives promote the equality of women." Further provisions of the Act set forth rules on the composition, administration, organization, and financing of the Council, among other things.
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  14. 14

    Abortion: an eternal social and moral issue.

    Instructional Aides

    Plano, Texas, Instructional Aides, 1984. 78 p. (A Guide on Current Topics)

    This document provides readers with a review of the history of the controversy regarding abortion, a summary of the major positions on both sides of this debate, and an assessment of public opinion regarding abortion. It draws heavily on research materials from the Centers for Disease Control, the Alan Guttmacher Institute, and the Population Council. Chapter 1 sets the abortion issue in historical perspective. Chapter 2 focuses on US Supreme Court decisions, while Chapter 3 discusses Congressional activities. Chapter 4 presents statistical data on the abortion rate in the US, demographic characteristics of abortion seekers, abortion techniques, and abortion-related mortality. Chapter 5 surveys the status of abortion around the world. Chapter 6 presents survey results on public attitudes toward abortion. Chapters 7 and 8 include statements from national leaders who believe abortion should not and should, respectively, be outlawed, while Chapters 9 and 10 present statements on both side of the debate as to whether the moment human life begins can be determined. Appendix I presents excerpts from Vatican position papers on abortion. Appendix II summarizes US laws, state by state, that limit access to abortion. Appendix III cites federal laws restricting abortion funding. Appendix IV presents proposed abortion legislation. And finally, Appendix V lists addresses of organizations that support abortion, organizations that oppose abortion, and institutions that maintain statistics on abortions in the US. Instructional Aides provides similar documents on a number of social issues, including aging, health, immigration, minorities, and women.
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  15. 15

    Promoting sexual and reproductive health and rights in Moldova.

    Blaja M; Bodrug V; Moshin V

    Choices. 2001 Autumn; 18-9.

    In Moldova, where many young people suffer from hunger and unemployment, young people do not consider sexual and reproductive health (SRH) issues to be of high priority. This attitude complicated the advocacy efforts of young people who helped the Family Planning Association of Moldova (FPAM) promote a new family planning law. Young group members initiated discussion with their peers, and high school and university students on reproductive health issues and the necessity of family planning legislation in the country. Nonetheless, the reproductive health legislation passed the Moldavian Parliament and was approved by the country's president on July 27, 2001.
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  16. 16

    Interview with Gloria Careaga: "The dialogue on sexism and homophobia is opening up".

    WOMEN'S HEALTH JOURNAL. 2001; (1):62-5.

    This paper presents an interview with Gloria Careaga, a member of the gay and lesbian movement in Mexico, about some advances in recognizing and validating sexual rights in Latin America, specifically in the area of discrimination based on sexual orientation. A driving force behind the creation of the first Gender Studies Program at the UNAM in Mexico City, Careaga was also a participant in the Citizens' Conference held in Santiago, Chile with the goal of refining civil society's strategies and proposals for the upcoming World Conference on Racism. In this interview, Careaga reviews the achievement of the UN World Conferences in 1990s in the areas of human rights, population and development, and women status; references on the issues of sexism; issues on sexual diversity; discrimination of abortion; the stand of Latin American countries on the conservative issues on sexual diversity; discrimination and protection of homosexuality; and the recognition of the rights of gays and lesbians in the regions.
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  17. 17
    Peer Reviewed

    New reproductive health law, Buenos Aires, Argentina.

    REPRODUCTIVE HEALTH MATTERS. 2000 Nov; 8(16):185.

    A new reproductive health law was passed in the city of Buenos Aires in June 2000, marking an important turning point in the history of reproductive health and rights in Argentina. The law is based on the City's Constitution of 1996 which "recognizes sexual and reproductive rights free of violence and coercion as basic human rights". The law: 1) guarantees women's and men's access to contraceptive information, methods and services needed for the responsible exercise of their sexual and reproductive rights; 2) guarantees holistic care for women during pregnancy, delivery and puerperium; and 3) establishes actions to reduce maternal/child mortality and morbidity. The law generated heated debate and street demonstrations, particularly regarding whether adolescents should have access to contraceptives without parental authorization, whether the IUD should be included among the methods provided at public facilities (as many opponents claimed the IUD is an abortifacient), and the duty of public health care workers to provide family planning services even if this is against their principles or religious beliefs. When the law was passed, the provision of IUDs was included along with other reversible and temporary methods; sterilization, therefore, appears to have been excluded. Parental authorization for adolescents requesting contraception was not required, but instead the law encouraged the participation of parents in everything to do with the reproductive health of their children, where possible. Finally, the law encouraged the use of condoms for dual protection. There was no reference to conscientious objection. (full text)
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  18. 18

    Issues in statutory rape law enforcement: the views of district attorneys in Kansas.

    Miller HL; Miller CE; Kenney L; Clark JW

    Family Planning Perspectives. 1998 Jul-Aug; 30(4):177-81.

    Because there are few qualitative data on the attitudes of district attorneys towards the local enforcement of statutory rape laws called for by the 1996 federal welfare reform law, anonymous surveys were sent to all 105 Kansas district attorneys in 1997. Data were gathered from the 92 returned surveys and from in-depth telephone interviews with seven of the respondents. It was found that 74% of the respondents favored aggressive enforcement, but only 37% believed the public would support such action, and only 24% thought enforcement would reduce the incidence of adolescent pregnancy. While 57% supported the legal age of consent in Kansas (16 years), 53% thought the law should not specify age differences between the partners, but prosecutions are the exception when the age difference is less than 3 years unless the victim was mentally disabled or the case involved force. Most of the district attorneys (77%) rejected the view that a minor who is already sexually active does not merit the protection of statutory rape laws, and 78% felt that paternity acknowledgements should be admissible evidence in prosecutions. Only 17% expressed the opinion that enforcement would discourage adolescents from seeking health care. It was concluded that the impact of statutory rape prosecution on reproductive and psychological health should be considered on a case-by-case basis and that potentially negative impacts can be minimized by educating law enforcement officials about adolescent health care issues.
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  19. 19

    [The fight against clandestine immigration] Lutte contre l'immigration clandestine.

    Sayah J

    CAHIERS DE L'ORIENT. 1995; 38(2):151-68.

    The history of recent French legislation on immigration is discussed. The author examines the consequences of stricter immigration laws, suggesting that they force more people into illegality and thus increase public suspicion of and action against foreigners. (ANNOTATION)
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  20. 20

    [Expanding the lebensraum of Africans: how the "country of European uncles" also became the country of African nephews] L'elargissement de l'espace de vie des Africains: comment le "pays des oncles" europeens devient aussi celui des neveux africains.

    Lututala MB

    REVUE TIERS MONDE. 1997 Apr-Jun; 38(150):333-46.

    The author analyzes migration from Africa to the developed countries of the north, focusing on the underlying logic and methods of such migration. He suggests that Africans see migration to the northern countries as a survival strategy and as an attempt to integrate themselves into the world economic system. The methods employed by African migrants to circumvent the increasing efforts to limit their numbers are described, with a focus on their use of regulations designed to aid the reunification of families. The author suggests that rich countries may have a moral obligation to allow migration from Africa, since its causes lie in the history of colonialism and the present and past exploitation of the developing countries by those of the north.
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  21. 21

    Democracy and gender: a practical guide to USAID programs.

    Hirschmann D

    Washington, D.C., Futures Group, Gender in Economic and Social Systems Project [GENESYS], 1993 Feb. [5], 56 p. (GENESYS Special Study No. 9; USAID Contract No. PDC-0100-Z-00-9044-00)

    This reference manual, while considered to be of wider interest, was intended primarily to facilitate incorporation of a gender analysis into the design, implementation, or evaluation of any of the policy, programs, or projects of the US Agency for International Development's (USAID) Democracy Initiative (DI). The introductory portion of the manual contains general information on USAID's DI, the 1991 policy paper that launched the DI, and how the DI has been interpreted by USAID Bureaus. Part 1 describes aspects of the use of this guide, its purpose, sources, underlying logic, and likely adaptations. Part 2 considers key preliminary issues such as why gender analysis is crucial; the importance of gaining an understanding of local culture and religion; integration versus segregation of gender components; the necessity of including gender analysis in all essential steps of the DI; and the necessity of including women and women's groups in the choice of appropriate, representative individuals and institutions for DI consultations and negotiations. The third part of the manual considers ways to incorporate gender concerns with the following components of the DI: administration of justice/legal reform, strengthening civil society, civil-military relations, the country political/democratic assessment, democratic values, decentralization of government, elections, governance, human and civil rights, leadership training, the mass media, political party support, private sector development, public opinion polling, representative institutions, and trade unions. Part 4 looks at the issue of which democracy indicators USAID should choose to measure progress and the necessity of including gender concerns in the analysis of impact and performance indicators.
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  22. 22

    Do women legislators matter? Female legislators and state abortion policy.

    Berkman MB; O'Connor RE

    In: Understanding the new politics of abortion, edited by Malcolm L. Goggin. Newbury Park, California, Sage Publications, 1993. 268-84.

    This document is the 15th chapter in a book which provides a framework for considering the "new politics" of abortion in the US (created when the Supreme Court gave states more leeway in regulating access to abortion) and the last in a section devoted to an examination of state abortion policy and politics. This chapter analyzes the impact of female state legislators on abortion legislation. The study hypothesizes that the presence of a significant number of female legislators, especially Democrats, will affect state abortion policy at the committee level (where bills can be blocked). This study concludes that parental consent regulations and public funding of abortion are distinct dimensions of state abortion policy and uses three measures of state opinion toward abortion (Roman Catholic membership, proportion of professional women in the adult female population, and membership in the National Abortion Rights Action League). A table illustrates a simple model of state public funding and parental notification policies which indicates that women legislators may make a difference in parental notification legislation but not in funding policies. This test confirms the validity of Thomas's 1991 hypothesis that the presence of a threshold number of women legislators is important in predicting state abortion policy outputs regarding parental notification and indicates that to have an effect, these women must be Democrats. The analysis then examines post-Webster bills to determine how women may have influenced their fate in committees (which would indicate that the presence of women on key committees is more important than the number of women legislators). It is concluded that states with the fewest women and those most likely to pass anti-abortion legislation have Democratic women on committees blocking this legislation. Using the scales developed in this study, it is predicted that most state policies will remain stable even if Roe were overturned.
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  23. 23

    Introduction. A framework for understanding the new politics of abortion.

    Goggin ML

    In: Understanding the new politics of abortion, edited by Malcolm L. Goggin. Newbury Park, California, Sage Publications, 1993. 1-18.

    This introductory chapter to a book which describes the new politics of abortion in the US provides a framework for understanding the new situation and predicting future developments. The chapter outlines the parameters of the new politics of abortion ushered in by the 1989 Supreme Court decision in Webster vs. Reproductive Health Services which gave states more leeway to regulate access to abortion. These parameters are described by contrasting the "old" and "new" politics of abortion in terms of the political context which is described through consideration of major abortion court cases from 1973 to the present, attitudes expressed toward the legality of abortion from 1975 to 1988, and the activities of pro-choice and anti-abortion groups by year and type for 1985-89. The chapter then provides a framework which enhances understanding of this new political situation by assessing the scope and nature of the abortion conflict (in terms of religious, political, ideological, gender, class, and racial conflict) and the institutional context which provides an arena for this conflict. Abortion conflict can be understood by 1) considering Schattschneider's concept of the losing side's tactic of "expanding the scope of the conflict" versus the winning side's efforts to contain the scope of the conflict to maintain the favorable balance of power and 2) applying Greenstone and Peterson's distinction between "ideological" and "pluralistic" bargaining (abortion politics is characterized by pluralistic bargaining because each side is trying to defeat the other side rather than to persuade it to change its position). The chapter ends by posing the questions which will be addressed in the book and presenting the plan of the book.
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  24. 24


    Ketting E

    In: Abortion in the new Europe: a comparative handbook, edited by Bill Rolsten and Anna Eggert. Westport, Connecticut, Greenwood Press, 1994. 173-86.

    The focus of this chapter (in a book that looks at abortion law, practice, politics, and possible future changes in 20 different European countries) is on the Netherlands. The chapter opens with a look at the 24-year struggle to replace the restrictive abortion law of 1886 with a liberal abortion law (which occurred in 1984). These efforts gained momentum when physicians began to become involved in family planning and to feel responsible for contraceptive failure, and when England liberalized its law in 1968 and allowed foreign women to receive abortions. Dutch abortion travel created political pressure to change the law. During the 1970s, Dutch physicians began to perform abortions justified by a broad interpretation of the "medical necessity" clause in the 1886 law. During this period, the Liberals and Social Democrats succeeded in preventing the Christian Democrats from interfering in the evolving practice of abortion services, and the Christian Democrats impeded creation of a liberal law. The 1984 law has widespread support and will likely continue unchanged. Meanwhile, in 1969, a private, nonprofit clinic was established to provide safe medical abortion services, and 14 clinics were operating by 1974. By 1975, 84,000 foreign women had abortions in Dutch clinics. The 1984 law constituted formal approval of the practice that had evolved since 1970-73 allowing women to have abortions up to about the 20th week of pregnancy with no more barriers than a five-day waiting period (which is not needed for menstrual regulation procedures). In practice, most abortions are performed very early and are free of charge. Abortion rates for Dutch women are very low. Most Dutch women want to have the option of abortion while avoiding the need for one.
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  25. 25

    Newsroom guide to abortion and family planning. 2nd ed.

    Anderson DE

    Washington, D.C., Communications Consortium Media Center, 1996. [9], 128, [3] p.

    This guidebook for news reporters and editors provides quick access to basic information on the historical events, political acts, and policy decisions shaping current family planning (FP) and abortion issues as well as references to further resources for in-depth research and reporting. The first part of the guide contains an overview of who has abortions and why, how FP services are implemented in the US (including information on where abortions are performed, teenage contraception and abortion, sex education, and school-based clinics), political factors, public opinion as expressed in the polls, the actions of all three branches of the federal government which had a reproductive health impact, and a rundown of abortion laws and activity in the states as of early 1996. The second part of the guide deals with policy issues such as 1) abortion restrictions and their impacts, 2) the impact of research and development (RU-486, Norplant, Depo-Provera, other abortifacients, and fetal tissue research), 3) reproductive health and the Christian Right, and 4) international issues pertaining to developing countries (world abortion laws; abortion in developing countries; population stabilization, FP, and US foreign policy; and the impact of US domestic politics on foreign population assistance). The book ends with a quick reference which includes a listing of abortion rights advocates and opponents, a glossary of terms, references, an index, and a foldout which illustrates FP history at a glance.
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