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Gender and Society. 2010 Feb; 24(1):83-109.This article identifies the dominant public narrative of AIDS in Malawi through an analysis of qualitative interview data and policy and intervention materials. The public narrative creates distinctions between "risky" and "healthy" sex that organize HIV prevention efforts around moral categories, rather than relative risk. These distinctions oppose images of backward, ignorant villagers to the protective power of "love matches" (loving heterosexual relationships between equals). The analysis demonstrates that the public narrative and corresponding prevention efforts only make sense in connection with the patently false assumption that love, heterosexuality, and modernity effectively protect individuals from HIV. This research brings to light the unspoken assumptions of modernity in the (Western) "charmed circle" of heteronormativity, as well as the need to consider the workings of heteronormativity in studies of modernization and globalization. Furthermore, it highlights individualistic and oversimplified analytic models currently directing HIV prevention efforts and points to potentially more effective strategies.
[Unpublished] 2007. Presented at the International Marketing Conference on Marketing and Society, Indian Institute of Management Kozhikode (IIMK), April 8-10, 2007.  p.Reducing the number of children affected by polio from 1000 per day to around 4 per day is not a small feat by any standard only if, we hadn't decided to eradicate polio and, it wasn't six year since the target for eradication was set. Since the WHA resolution of 1988, globally over USD 4 billion has been spent, more than 10 million volunteers has administered around 10 billion polio doses in hundreds of National and supplementary immunization days (NIDs and SNIDs) across the world. The initial few years in eradication were, undoubtedly, remarkable with countries and continents being freed from the infection and disease. Although, the eradication target of year 2000 could not be achieved, but it was never far from sight till, vaccination activities were stopped in Nigeria in 2003. Situation created by the resulting outbreaks there and, following importation of the wild polio virus (WPV) to other countries changed the eradication scenario, in spite of the many efforts; this spread of polio could still not be halted on time. Even in 2006, some pockets of WPV i.e. one in Moradabad, India and some other in Kano, Nigeria are cause of concern for eradication experts as it is clear now that polio will not be eradicated before year 2007. Back in 1988, no one had envisaged that polio eradication will be this difficult. The explanation for current outbreak is being given by 'four year cycle' of return of polio as even earlier in 1998 and 2002, there were outbreaks. Situation in Nigeria and India are suggestive that it will take at least one year before Polio is eradicated. The hope goes down as the number of cases goes up in 2006 than last 3 year. India has reported the highest number of cases in last 4 years. Much of the debate is going on the strategy followed to eradicate polio out of world. (excerpt)
Re-opening closed questions: respondents' elaborations on categorical answers in standardized interviews.
Madison, Wisconsin, University of Wisconsin-Madison, Center for Demography and Ecology,1993 Aug. 13 p. (CDE Working Paper No. 93-24)The participants in a survey interview draw on an interactional substrate of conversational skills and practices to achieve each answer, much as other pairs of interactants involved in standardized, formatted question-and-answer activities (Maynard and Marlaire, 1992). In most cases this process occurs smoothly, in a familiar sequence of "question-answer-(receipt)-entry of answer", or, if necessary, "question-answer-probe-answer-(receipt)-entry". The participants reach an accountable answer, the interviewer records it, and they move on to the next question. Arriving at an answer to one question is required for proceeding to the next one. The focus of this study is a phenomenon occurring at a particular point in that sequence. The cases presented here are examples of a respondent producing talk that is one of the offered answer choices for the question at hand, and then proceeding to engage in further talk after that answer. What kinds of actions are these, and more importantly, what consequences do they have for the collection of the data in the interview? (excerpt)
Cape Town, South Africa, Institute for Democracy in South Africa [IDASA], Afrobarometer, 2002 Aug.  p. (Afrobarometer Paper No. 21)This paper marries public opinion survey data from the Afrobarometer with epidemiological data about the HIV/AIDS epidemic in seven Southern African countries. We use this data to examine the degree to which people are aware of the pandemic, and are willing to speak about it. We also use it to examine whether it yields any palpable consequences of the disease in terms of public health. In turn, we also ask whether data on public awareness of AIDS deaths and individual health status corroborate, broadly, existing epidemiological data on HIV/AIDS. Finally, we examine the degree to which HIV/AIDS affects southern Africans’ political priorities, political participation, and expectations for government action. Substantively, we find that nationally representative survey data supports the epidemiological data in many ways, providing an independent corroboration of expected levels of AIDS illness and death across the region. The epidemiological data tell us that people in all seven of these countries are growing ill and dying from AIDS in large numbers. The Afrobarometer surveys tell us that large numbers of the people, in all seven countries, say they know someone who has died of AIDS and are willing to speak about it. Epidemiological estimates of AIDS deaths and popular experiences of AIDS deaths are closely correlated. Many people in these countries tell us that they are frequently ill, although the data do not disclose the nature of their illness. Epidemiological estimates of AIDS illnesses closely mirror the frequency with which people tell us that they are seriously ill. In political terms, the Afrobarometer tells us some surprising things. Even where HIV/AIDS has reached severe levels and people are dying in large and rising numbers, and even where people recognise those deaths as the result of HIV infection, very few of them place HIV/AIDS high on the agenda for government intervention. Rather, the epidemic is superseded in most countries by demands for government action to create jobs, expand the economy, and improve crime and security, or is masked by demands for overall improvements in health-related services. Perhaps Southern Africans perceive HIV/AIDS as a problem for families and communities, and not for governments. Or perhaps – and perhaps more likely – they are engaging in rational prioritisation. Faced with grinding poverty and widespread unemployment, people may be more concerned with getting a chance to earn an income, feed their families, protect themselves from crime and insecurity, and obtain basic health care, than with being saved from a largely invisible killer. (author's)
[Unpublished] 1990 May. , 72 p.A study was conducted to aid in developing a contraceptive social marketing project for Turkey. While the project will promote birth control pills, condoms, and possibly IUDs, this study aimed to help guide exclusively in designing the marketing strategy of the project condom brand. Specifically, it was undertaken to obtain an estimate of the overall size of invoiceless condom sales in Turkey, to better understand the nature and quality of products passing through these unofficial channels, and to better understand how and why this distribution system works. Study results are based upon interviews of 105 respondents in 4 cities, including condom importers, wholesalers, and street vendors. Condoms for Turkish markets overall are largely imported legally by 5 principal firms. Illegal imports comprised only 1% of legal supplies in 1989. 81% of street vendors then secure condoms for public sale from wholesalers who purchase directly from importers or large wholesalers. An estimated 150 such street vendors are in Turkey, selling a total 94,650 condoms/week to largely middle-income, married men aged 20-35 years. Together, street vendor sales account for 13% of the nation's commercial condom market. Customers are thought to generally prefer purchasing from vendors due to their lower prices, higher brand variety, and greater sense of privacy. Vendors, on the other hand, are able to undercut pharmacy condom prices while realizing a larger average profit margin. Study findings suggest that street vendors will not be a source of competition, but that their presence and activity must be reckoned with in developing and conducting the project. Specific project design recommendations are provided in the report.
[To move or to stay: arguments about migration in Raqqa Province, North Syria] Att rora pa sig och att rota sig: migrationsdebatter i Raqqaprovinsen i norra Syrien.
YMER. 1997; 116:68-81.The author renders a description of opinions and debates among the local population about migration to and from provincial towns and villages in Raqqa Province, North Syria. Developments and changes in these debates are described and seen in relation to the political and economic trends in Syria as a whole. Especially, the author describes the influence on the region of a major irrigation project on the upper Euphrates, which has led to much in- and out-migration since the mid 1970s. The article is based on interviews since the late 1970s with the local population. An overview of population movements in the province from the thirteenth century until today is also provided.
JOURNAL OF COMMUNITY HEALTH. 1994 Apr; 19(2):115-23.Attitudes of 880 pregnant women attending prenatal clinics at 75 primary health care centers in Al-Baha region of Saudi Arabia were assessed to determine their opinions on maternity services. The study population was predominately aged 18-30 years (62.3%), and 70% were illiterates. 54% were multiparous, and 40% had delivered at home for their prior pregnancy. 15.8% had experienced previous obstetric complications, and 12% experienced complications during delivery. There were significant correlations between place of previous delivery and age, education, and parity of the mother. Increased level of education was related to a higher proportion experiencing hospital delivery. Low parity women had a higher proportion of hospital deliveries. 92.6% believed that prenatal care was important, and 91.3% desired prenatal care services in primary care centers. 49.9% of women desiring prenatal care in primary care centers gave the reason as closeness to home. 47.2% did not desire delivery at a primary care center because the centers were considered poor facilities which lacked privacy and did not have specialists or female doctors or midwives available. 74.1% considered 5-10 prenatal visits appropriate. 8.6% desired less than 5 visits, and 15.3% recommended 10 or more visits. 81.0% kept prenatal care appointments. 79.5% of the women who missed appointments reporting doing so because their spouse could not accompany them or because of distance to the centers. 70% had previously used prenatal care services at primary care centers; 10.9% rated services as poor. Higher recommendations for prenatal care visits were found among younger mothers and lower parity women. More prenatal visits were also associated with previous delivery at health centers.
Ascertaining the user perspectives on community participation in family planning programme in Thailand.
[Bangkok], Thailand, Mahidol University, Institute for Population and Social Research, 1991 Dec. , 132 p. (IPSR Publication No. 156)A study of community members, family planning program staff and managers, community-based distributors (CBDs), and local leaders in 4 regions of Thailand was undertaken to determine the extent to which community members are willing to participate in family planning programs, and which activities they prefer. 400 married women aged 15-44, 100 of their spouses, with a contraceptive prevalence rate of 69% taken equally from 12 villages, 16 CBDs from 12 communities, 69 village leaders divided into 1 focus group per village, and 17 staff were interviewed from May to July 1989. 5 variables that determine attitudes were measured: sociocultural norms for participatory behavior, values and beliefs underlying norms, institutionalized participatory behavior, government policies, and the family planning program. Some of the responsibilities open for participatory activity were promotion of family planning in the community,k educating potential users, target-setting, selecting, paying, training and supervising CBDs, record keeping, storing commodities, identifying potential acceptors, and transportation to clinics. Staff and CBDs considered community participation a valuable strategy. Community members considered participation attractive if it were perceived as beneficial to the community. They liked the idea of having services locally, but showed some doubts about the competence of CBDs. They expressed hesitancy about participating in such a personal realm as family planning. Most thought that program staff would be better able to do IEC work. Community members would consider participating in transportation to clinics, selection of CBDs, identification of acceptors, and referral to clinics. Community members were strongly motivated to work in collective, social activities. Managers wanted to make community people more self-reliant and cooperative. No one wanted community participation to duplicate current programs, or to pass program expenses on to localities.
Social Science and Medicine. 1991; 33(8):897-907.The distinction and interrelation between sexual ideology and sexual experience in society, using ethnographical and anthropological data from the Bumbita Arapesh of the East Sepik Province of Papua New Guinea, are explored. While anthropological data have been employed to study sexual ideologies and myth in varied cultures, comparatively little work has focused upon sexual realities in local contexts. Among the Bumbita Arapesh, yam horticulturalists who number approximately 3000 in 14 small villages, men are traditionally and publicly held as dominant over women in sexual relations. Both sexes hold men to be sexual conquerors of women, devoid of emotional attachment, intimacy, and concern for the woman. 60 private personal interviews with 10 adults, and traditional ethnographic questions, however, show the sexual reality between men and women to be quite different from that promulgated by sexual myth. Women, out of concerns over the health of their children and/or the desire to limit the number of offspring, regularly deny sex to their husbands. The prevailing reality for longterm couples is, therefore, one in which women exercise great control over the sexual behavior of their male partners. Women do, however, play more subservient roles in short-term, adolescent encounters, and during courtship for longterm relationships. Also, counter to ideology, males are often anxious in the period subsequent to committing to marriage and prior to its consummation. Concerned over the potential physical pain of sexual intercourse, and the trials of sex and marriage, young male teenagers prepare by ritualistically incising a small part of their foreskins. Ideology about sexual behavior is closely tied to gender definitions of men and women, with the intimate realities, emotions, and misgivings over competence suppressed by both sexes. In circular fashion, ideology influences experience, while experience animates ideology.
INDIA TODAY. 1988 Jul 31; 66-8.The peoples in India are largely unawareness of AIDS, and health threat which it poses to the country. Awareness of AIDA rests largely among readers of Time of Newsweek, with even doctors, hospitals, and administrative officials not knowing what to do about or for AIDS patients and those testing positive for exposure to HIV. Reports of the infected come from across India, and are not limited to a specific urban center. With 332 person HIV+, and 24 dead, however, the government of India has not yet placed great priority on dealing with AIDS and the potential future national epidemic. The budget for AIDS-related research and activities is substantially less than that for malaria, leprosy, and blindness, yet nonetheless represents a 500% increase over the previous year's budget. Debate is ongoing in India over AIDS, with opinions ranging from those who recognize the presence of promiscuity, homosexuality, and drug abuse as potentially contributory to the widespread transmission of AIDS; to A.S. Paintal, director-general of the Indian Council for Medical Research, who calls for a law banning sex with foreigners and NRIs. Steps taken thus far to check the spread of AIDS include the creation of 42 surveillance centers, hematologic testing, and prohibiting foreign students from being admitted to Indian universities without being tested for AIDS. Research has shown AIDS to stem primarily from heterosexual intercourse, with eunuchs, prostitutes, IV-drug users, and those attending STD clinics identified as high-risk groups. The National AIDS Control Program began in 1986, and plans to add another 100 surveillance sites over the next 2 years. The Central Health Education Bureau has also been instructed to launch an extensive mass media awareness campaign, while the creation of a national AIDS research center and state AIDS cells to monitor personal sexual relations is under consideration. Doctors also advise members of high risk groups with repeated infections of any kind to be tested for HIV. In fighting to increase public discussion and awareness of AIDS, promoters and campaigns can expect cultural taboos, beliefs, and conservatism regarding sex and sexual relations to hamper progress. An interview with Mr. Paintal is included in the article.
[Unpublished] 1989 Jan. ii, 60,  p. (USAID Contract No. DPE-3028-C-00-4079-00)Results and recommendations are presented from an island-wide survey of knowledge, attitudes, and practices (KAP) regarding sexually transmitted diseases (STD) and AIDS in Jamaica. In addition to providing broad baseline data for future studies of changes in KAP related to STDs and AIDS, the survey was conducted to examine the effect of earlier communication programs upon KAP, and family planning attitudes and practice. Researchers were specifically interested in the extent to which the image of the condom was affected as a family planning method and prophylactic. 1,200 interviews were completed for the survey. Findings are presented on the demographic and social characteristics of the sample; knowledge and awareness of STDs, AIDS, AIDS symptoms, and AIDS tests; impressions about AIDS cures; attitudes toward a person with AIDS; AIDS information sources; knowledge of measures to prevent or reduce the rick of contracting AIDS; perceptions of personal risk; changes in AIDS-related behavior; and the knowledge, image, use, and availability of condoms. Recommendations address the development of new revised media messages, education for the prevention of HIV infection, and the need to ensure the public of the safety of blood supplies in Jamaica. Interventions should be targeted to a broad audience, and efforts made to discourage fatalistic views on contracting HIV.
New York, Harper and Brothers, 1950. 624 p.The author attempts to bring together the current procedures used by population surveyors in such fields as marketing, political opinion polling, government census, and radio audience measurement, as well as in the more academic attempts to evaluate populations by questionnaires. The historical background and current practices of population surveying, polling and sampling are presented, covering the following areas: 1) social surveys and polls in the US, 2) planning the survey, 3) methods of securing information, 4) the role of sampling, 5) organization and personnel of the survey, 6) construction of the schedule or questionnaire, 7) types of sampling, 8) procedures for drawing samples, 9) sample sizes, 10) interview procedures, 11) mail questionnaire procedures, 12) sources of bias, 13) editing the schedule data, 14) coding the data, 15) data tabulation, 16) data and sample evaluation, and 17) preparation and publication of the report.
Bulletin of the Pan American Health Organization. 1975; 9(3):196-207.Chilean attitudes toward the national population's size and growth rate was explored by a special survey. The survey sample consisted of 1410 men aged 20-54 in urban Santiago, of whom 1030 were actually interviewed by 36 students from the University of Chile who based their interview on a prepared questionnaire including both open-ended and multiple-choice questions. The men were separated into 6 catagories on the basis of their education and socioeconomic status. The results clearly indicate that men in the lower socioeconomic categories tended to know less about the population's size and growth than their more affluent counterparts. Nevertheless, they more often felt that Chile had too many people, that recent population growth had been rapid, and that population growth should be reduced. (AUTHOR'S MODIFIED)