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Social History of Medicine. 2005; 18(1):87-105.This article explores the political history of school sex education policy in England and Wales. Focusing on the period from the 1940s to the 1960s, it shows how sex education developed as a controversial political issue through an analysis of the differing institutional cultures and agendas of health and education administrators. The article argues that serious consideration of school sex education by central government was first prompted by concern about venereal disease during the Second World War. Thereafter, two groups of actors emerged with conflicting ideas about the role of government in prescribing school sex education. The medical establishment, including the Ministry of Health, was broadly supportive of a national policy, whereas the Department of Education, which had ultimate responsibility for any such policy in schools, sought to avoid decision-making about the issue. The article explores how a public health consensus on sex education developed and then explains why the Department of Education resisted this consensus. (author's)
Seattle, Washington, University of Washington, Seattle Population Research Center, 1997 Jun.  p. (Seattle Population Research Center Working Paper No. 97-9)There have been tremendous changes in congressional debate and federal policy focusing on work, family, and gender since the end of World War II. This paper considers how Congress defined and redefined the "problem" of work, family, and gender; the policies it considered; and how policy changed in response to public opinion and the internal logic of the policy process. Congressional action generally moved together with public opinion, as both became more "liberal" and egalitarian over time. But critical aspects of congressional action depended on how Congress happened to view the problem and possible solutions at times when action of some kind seemed relatively urgent. Congressional action stimulated evaluation of current policies and proposals for policy innovation, by women's organizations, intellectuals, federal bureaucrats, and members of Congress, and these evaluations led to calls for further action. Changing views of pregnancy played a key role in moving policy debates from a focus solely on the workplace to a broader focus on how both men and women can balance the competing obligations of work and family. (author's)
Psychology in the Schools. 2005; 42(3):305-313.China’s one-child policy is now 25 years of age--the officially sanctioned age for marriage by men in the People’s Republic of China. A significant proportion of those now about to enter their child-bearing years are themselves the product of the first generation of one-child homes. This article reviews the history of the single-child policy, with specific regard to the forces that initiated it as a national imperative and which today appear to sustain its widespread acceptance by the Chinese peoples. This article considers the circumstances leading to the implementation of the single-child policy, the development of incentives for compliance and penalties for noncompliance, information reflecting representative data-based analyses of outcomes from the policy, and the present situation and scenarios that might lead to a revisitation of this policy. Impressions and data gathering were conducted through conversation with individuals from all social strata in six locales in the People’s Republic of China and were contrasted with similar exploratory visits from 10 and 15 years ago. (author's)
Canadian Woman Studies / Les Cahiers de la Femme. 2003 Spring-Summer; 22(3-4):16-24.Levels of public concern in the U.S. over trafficking in women and children have peaked twice in the last century: between 1907 and 1913 during the controversy over “white slavery” and again in the 1990s with the rising concern over global sex trafficking. It is not surprising that trafficking—-a phenomenon so closely linked to notions of movement and mobility—-would emerge as a major social issue during these two periods. The first and last decades of the twentieth century both witnessed seismic demographic shifts. Nearly 1,000,000 people immigrated to the U.S. per year between 1905 and 1914. After World War I immigration declined sharply, partly due to restrictive new citizenship laws. The U.S. would not see similar levels of immigration until 1989, the inaugural year of an eleven-year wave of heightened migration (Bureau of Citizenship and Immigration Services). The two periods under scrutiny share additional features in common: facilitated by the introduction of new technologies—-railroad and new communications technologies respectively—-capital expanded during both periods, seeking out inexpensive labour and new markets for its products and services. Not surprisingly, informal and illicit markets flourished as well, including the gun, drug, and sex trades. Increased migration led to domestic anxieties over immigration during both periods. Early twentieth-century reform movements were largely a middle-class response to the dramatic expansion of the U.S. urban population. Many of the new immigrants arriving on U.S. shores hailed from eastern and southern Europe and were largely Catholic, Jewish, and atheist, precipitating a wave of xenophobia among the slightly-more-rooted Protestant populations. Likewise, the collapse of communism in Eastern-bloc countries in the late 1980s and early 1990s intensified the movement of people on a global scale. This global shift coupled with increased migration to the U.S. from the south resulted in a resurgence of anti-immigrant sentiment in the U.S. and abroad. (excerpt)
Columbia Journalism Review. 2004 Mar-Apr; (2 Suppl):1-8.HIV/AIDS took the U.S. by surprise in the 1980s, and it continues to be a health epidemic with unique characteristics. As a news topic, HIV/AIDS has not only been a health story, but also one about arts, culture, taboo, sexuality, religion, celebrity, business, and politics on the local, national, and global stage. Media coverage of the HIV/AIDS epidemic has, at times, helped shape the policy agenda, while also reflecting current policy discussions, debates and important events. In many cases, the news media have served as an important source of information about the epidemic for the public. In an October 2003 survey by the Kaiser Family Foundation, 72% of the U.S. public said that most of the information they get about HIV/AIDS comes from the media, including television, newspapers, and radio. (excerpt)
Family Coordinator. 1970 Apr; 19(2):159-164.Spurned as a subject unfit for even private conversation, let alone the pages of a magazine, in the early twentieth century, birth control is now discussed openly in every kind of communications medium. In the early years of the birth control movement, however, only journals which enjoyed some kind of financial security would dare include such an inflammatory subject. As Americans encountered economic difficulties in the 1930s and adopted a more enlightened view of sexual relations, birth control became an acceptable topic, even to those who opposed the practice. Public acceptance of and interest in the issue has been reflected in periodical coverage of the subject. (author's)
NURSING TIMES.. 1998 Oct 28-Nov 3; 94(43):52-3.While references to sexually transmitted infections (STIs) can be found back as far as biblical times, women have traditionally taken most of the blame for the spread of such diseases. There is no evidence to suggest that men were blamed or stigmatized in the same way as women until the panic over AIDS in the 1980s shifted some of the blame to groups such as gay and bisexual men, IV drug users, and Africans. Throughout history, heterosexual men have escaped blame for STIs. Maybe it is this latter population subgroup which should be targeted in future sexual health promotion programs. This paper reviews the history of blame for STIs dating from the book of Leviticus, in which men with urethral discharge are urged to wash after copulation, to female prostitutes during the past 400 years, and recent groups with the advent of HIV/AIDS.
SEXUAL HEALTH EXCHANGE. 1998; (3):4.Two decades of Family Planning Association of Hong Kong (FPAHK) advocacy of husband-wife communication and cooperation in family planning led Hong Kong's population to finally accept the notion of male responsibility in family planning. Recent surveys have documented high rates of male contraceptive use. The FPAHK established its first clinic to provide men with birth control advice and services in 1960, then set up a vasectomy clinic and installed condom vending machines. Working against prevailing traditional beliefs that childbearing is the exclusive domain of women and that vasectomy harms one's health, the FPAHK began campaigns to motivate men to take a positive and active role in family planning and to correct misinformation on vasectomy. Successful FPAHK efforts to stimulate male support for family planning include the 1977 "Mr. Family Planning" campaign, the 1982 "Family Planning - Male Responsibilities" campaign, and the 1986-87 "Mr. Able" campaign. Although these campaigns ended in the 1980s, men may now be counseled on contraception at 3 of the 8 FPAHK-run birth control clinics.
[To move or to stay: arguments about migration in Raqqa Province, North Syria] Att rora pa sig och att rota sig: migrationsdebatter i Raqqaprovinsen i norra Syrien.
YMER. 1997; 116:68-81.The author renders a description of opinions and debates among the local population about migration to and from provincial towns and villages in Raqqa Province, North Syria. Developments and changes in these debates are described and seen in relation to the political and economic trends in Syria as a whole. Especially, the author describes the influence on the region of a major irrigation project on the upper Euphrates, which has led to much in- and out-migration since the mid 1970s. The article is based on interviews since the late 1970s with the local population. An overview of population movements in the province from the thirteenth century until today is also provided.
INTERNATIONAL MIGRATION REVIEW. 1998 Summer; 32(2):451-70.In the growing US debate over immigration policy since the 1980s, it is often argued that immigration must be restricted in order to protect Black Americans from competition with newly arrived immigrants. Findings are reported upon Black Americans' attitudes toward immigration policy. An extensive review of more than 50 Black newspapers and magazines, from January 1994 to June 1996, uncovered attitudes both in favor of and against restricting immigration. The majority of articles in the Black press on immigration, however, were nonrestrictionist. The Black political leadership is also against restricting immigration. Furthermore, a review of the 14 most recent national opinion polls on immigration available to the Roper Center for Public Opinion Research as of July 1996 found that while many Blacks favor restricting immigration, all US Blacks should not be characterized as restrictionist, especially when compared with Whites. Historical attitudes among US Blacks dating back to before the abolition of slavery are discussed.
CAHIERS DE L'ORIENT. 1995; 38(2):151-68.The history of recent French legislation on immigration is discussed. The author examines the consequences of stricter immigration laws, suggesting that they force more people into illegality and thus increase public suspicion of and action against foreigners. (ANNOTATION)
CURRENT WORLD LEADERS. 1995 Apr; 38(2):45-62.Immigration reform long has produced fierce conflict among U.S. policymakers over how to regulate racial and ethnic diversity, economic opportunity, and global involvement in American life. This essay attempts to provide an historical perspective on recent innovations in [U.S.] immigration policy, comparing them with restrictionist and expansionist traditions in U.S. political development. While recent reforms exemplify an unprecedented openness in keeping with a more inclusive democracy, their failure to address public anxieties about porous borders inadvertently breathed life into a new anti-immigrant politics that may threaten these policy achievements. (EXCERPT)
CURRENT WORLD LEADERS. 1995 Apr; 38(2):35-44.The notion of the United States as `the mother of exiles' is an illusion, a legend perpetuated during an era when cheap immigrant labor was necessary to fuel the development of the country. The truth is that immigrants have been shunned for much of our history, tolerated only because their semiskilled labor was needed. Immigrant bashing was common, especially during times of economic distress. This article details the history of U.S. immigration and squarely places the current nativist sentiments in perspective. (EXCERPT)
The new politics of immigration: "balanced-budget conservatism" and the symbolism of Proposition 187.
SOCIAL PROBLEMS. 1996 Aug; 43(3):284-305.This paper focuses on the politics of the new immigration restrictionism as manifest in Proposition 187, passed by California voters in 1994. I first show that restrictionist sentiment and immigrant scapegoating have a long history in U.S. immigration politics, briefly reviewing three periods of early nativism....I then make two principal arguments. First, I argue that the new nativism embodied in Proposition 187--which would bar undocumented immigrants in California from receiving social services, including public schooling--corresponds to specific features of the late twentieth-century political-economic landscape....Second...I show that Proposition 187 is symbolic in that it derives from and evokes beliefs about immigrants' responsibility and blame for the current economic and fiscal crisis. In addition, I suggest that Proposition 187 may represent a new kind of symbolic politics in which alienated voters--those who bother to vote at all--use their ballot symbolically to express anger and 'send a message.' (EXCERPT)
[Rumblings, resistances, rebellions: the implementation of censuses in colonial India (eighteenth to twentieth centuries)] Rumeurs, resistances, rebellions: la mise en place des recensements dans l'Inde coloniale (XVIIIe-XXe siecles).
CAHIERS QUEBECOIS DE DEMOGRAPHIE. 1996 Spring; 25(1):39-68.The author examines how the population of colonial India reacted to enumeration practices developed by the British for fiscal and demographic purposes. Three types of reactions predominated during this period: rumblings, resistance--either spontaneous (primarily among the Santhal tribes) or politically organized, sparked by the nationalist movement of the 1920s and 1930s--and violent revolts, especially among the tribal Bhil in western India. It is interesting to relate such reactions, which often intermingled, to the building of a modern colonial state. (SUMMARY IN ENG AND SPA) (EXCERPT)
[The assimilation of Italians and their descendants in Argentine society (1880-1925)] La asimilacion de los italianos y sus descendientes en la sociedad argentina (1880-1925).
STUDI EMIGRAZIONE/ETUDES MIGRATIONS. 1996 Sep; 33(123):417-42.The impact of massive immigration in the post-1870 period produced major changes in...Argentine society. Integration of immigrant groups (Italians, Spaniards, the French and others) was nevertheless fiercely opposed by local elites. The essay is firstly concerned with size and development of immigration flows; secondly it deals with the characteristics of local reaction against the immigrants; thirdly it reveals how, in spite of the latter, the Italians' integration did take place in the Argentine middle classes. Finally, a particular case-study is presented, in connection with integration of immigrants and their descendants in the national army. (SUMMARY IN ENG AND FRE) (EXCERPT)
DEMOGRAFIA. 1994; 37(1):32-59.The author reviews trends in international migration in Hungary. "The first part of the paper gives a short overview of the migration movement of the past centuries and those historical events which might influence the present migration processes....The second part concentrates on the [most recent] events. Using the existing statistical data [the author] shows the main trends, the types and characteristics of migrants and reflects [on] some policy implications as well as the possible reasons [for] the opinions and behaviour of the public." (SUMMARY IN ENG) (EXCERPT)
MIDDLE EASTERN STUDIES. 1991 Jul; 27(3):477-86.Middle Eastern surveys n the 1970s were incompatible with the data reflected in this presentation of trends in polygyny in Istanbul between 1885-1926 from census forms. The trends for Istanbul indicate that 2.29% of all married men were married polygynously (2.51% in 1885 and 2.16% in 1906). These rates appear low when compared to 3.4% in Egypt in 1947 or 7.5% in Iraq in 1957. Islamic law permits up to 4 wives, but in Istanbul the usual practice is 2.08% wives or bigamy. Incidence as well as intensity of polygyny is low. The history of public opinion about this practice in Istanbul shows an increasingly disapproving trend. In 1917, the Family Law Act specified that any woman could forbid her husband from taking a second wife and was granted an automatic divorce if the husband took a second wife. In 1924-25, the draft of the Civil Code stipulated that polygynous marriages were granted only with special permission from the judge upon proof by the husband that he "needed" a second wife and that he would be fair to both wives. In 1926, polygyny was made illegal, and the rate was unaffected. After 1930, no official records were kept. An opinion poll was conducted by a newspaper in 1924, and published letters reported that polygyny should be forbidden and should be allowed in cases where the wife is sterile. Most correspondents were against using polygyny to increase the Turkish population. In polygynous marriages, the woman's mean age at marriage is similar to that in monogamous marriages, but the man's mean age is an average of 4.25 years older. Comparative tables of marriages by type show that men marry the second, younger, wife 8.5 years after the first marriage when the men are approximately 40 years old. Model life tables are constructed to show the relationship between mortality patterns and polygyny, so that polygyny looks more like overlapping monogamous marriages. Unmarried women are the typical second partner. Urban women tend to be less involved in polygyny. Men with a strong religious background or men in a high official rank were slightly more often involved in polygyny.
WOMEN'S GLOBAL NETWORK FOR REPRODUCTIVE RIGHTS NEWSLETTER. 1992 Apr-Jun; (39):33-6.In early 1991 the abortion debate in Poland entered its new stage. The prolife and prochoice options had already clashed in the early 1930s over a new penal code and backstreet abortions. According to the code of 1932, induced abortion was allowed in cases of rape, incest, or for medical indications. Abortion was legalized in 1956, but subsequently it came under attack from Catholic circles, and by 1989 the Unborn Child Protection Bill was drafted which criminalized abortion. Only 11% of Polish women use modern contraceptives. The less efficient methods are the most prevalent: the natural method (Ogino-Knaus calendar), 35% of couples; coitus interruptus, 34%; condoms, 15%; oral contraceptives 7%; chemical spermicides, 2.5%; and the IUD 2%. According to size of Catholic Church estimate there are 600,000 abortions yearly. In contrast, official statistics indicate that the number of abortions is decreasing: 137,950 in 1980; 105,300 in 1988; 80,100 in 1989; 59,400 in 1990. In January 1991 the Constitutional Tribunal dismissed the motion of the Polish Feminist Association against the restrictive regulations of the Ministry of Health concerning abortion. After a parliamentary stalemate on the Unborn Child Protection Bill a commission consisting of 46 persona (1.2 of them women, 20 persons from the prochoice and 24 from the prolife lobby) continued the debate on the bill. Public opinion polls conducted by independent groups in November 1990 showed that about 60% of citizens were against the Senate's draft. Since then interest in the abortion issue has dwindled, and only 200 women and men took part in a prochoice demonstration in front of the parliament on January 25, 1991. In the spring of 1989 and in September 1990 thousands had participated in similar demonstrations. The prevailing attitude is that if the antiabortion bill is passed nothing can be done.
JOURNAL OF INTERCULTURAL STUDIES. 1991; 12(2):1-14.The author reviews Australian and British policies restricting non-British immigration to Australia after World War I. "The intense desire in many quarters to maintain a 'white Australia' led not only to the active encouragement of British immigrants but to the restrictions and regulations upon European immigration in the period under review. These restrictions took two forms. Statutory powers of exclusion and restriction were conferred through...legislation....At the same time...administrative techniques were used to limit further and control 'white alien' immigration. These techniques, such as quotas and the discretionary power of the Minister to limit visas and landing permits, changing in response to economic conditions and public opinion, were perhaps more important in the government's policy of ensuring Australia's racial purity." (EXCERPT)
Motivation and legitimation: living conditions, social control and the reproductive regimes in Belgium and France from the 16th through the 19th century.
Brussels, Belgium, Vrije Universiteit Brussel, Interuniversity Programme in Demography, 1989. 46 p. (IPD Working Paper 1989-2)The economic, political, and social records of Belgium and France from the 16th through the 19th century were analyzed, and the influence of material living conditions, strategies of property transmission, and attempts by elites to alter popular culture on nuptiality and marital fertility during the period are detailed. Reasons for France's early marital fertility decline are compared with Belgium's more delayed transition. It is stressed that rising household income is not the only path the change. There are many paths to marital fertility transition. Historical analysis reveals that classic factors believed to lead to demographic transition do not explain the first half of the French fertility decline. Demographic transition is also possible as a result of economic and political crises forcing ideological overhaul. Explaining the nature of these alternate paths to change, the role of institutional actors such as religious and political agencies in competing for power and influence to impose and defend their ideologies is pointed out. These are active and dynamic agencies capable of altering strategies when required. Such agencies have had a significant impact on the course of demographic history in the 2 countries examined. Models of demographic change must incorporate the effect of these institutional agencies. The need for joint motivation and legitimation in effecting transition is discussed.
LAW, MEDICINE AND HEALTH CARE. 1989 Winter; 17(4):376-83.They only certain outcomes of the Webster decision is that state legislatures will be stimulated to enact more legislation regulating abortion. However it is unlikely that the worst prochoice fears will be realized. A return to the 19th century abortion prohibition era is very unlikely because of trends in Western societal attitudes and laws. Since 1973 and the Roe decision there have been more than 300 bills or acts enacted by state legislatures that regulate abortion. Whether it is criminal prohibitions, licensing requirements, zoning restrictions, parental participation, spousal participation, informed consent, health and sanitation regulations, post viability regulations, laws protecting the right of health care workers not to participate in abortion, public funding restrictions, or regulations of fetal experimentation, abortion regulations have definitely been wide spread. The democratic process is going to produce a moderate position on abortion as a result of the Webster decision for 7 reasons: (1) the period before Roe was a time when abortion legislation was in a trend towards moderation. In 1962 abortion prohibitions were in place in all states. In 1967 4 states adopted an abortion reform position that allowed for abortion in the hard cases: (1) maternal health, (2) fetal defect, (3) rape/incest. Over the next 5 years 9 more states followed and 3 others went even farther by allowing unrestricted abortion during early pregnancy. (2) public opinion is consistent and strong in favoring abortion restrictions except for the hard cases. (3) the trend towards moderation in abortion regulations is closely related to other legal trends toward moderation. No fault divorce was a move towards moderation. The abortion experience in Western Europe was towards moderation. (5) Medical technological developments are putting the power of abortion in the hands of women. Abortificant drugs that can be used without medical assistance give women greater freedom. (6) The history of abortion law enforcement is very moderate. (7) Judicial power continues as all member of the Supreme Court have stated publicly that the Constitution does allow some room for abortion.
ORVOSI HETILAP. 1991 Mar 31; 132(13):726-7.Since 1956 there have been approximately 4.5 million legal abortions performed in Hungary. The Hungarian legal abortion measures were enacted 15-20 years later in developed countries. In addition, in most countries the liberalization was more restrictive or an outright ban was in effect, and propaganda against abortion was also allowed. In Hungary for 35 years no counter propaganda was tolerated. In France or Germany there was 1 abortion for 4-5 births vs. 2 abortions for 3 births in Hungary corresponding to 80,000-90,000 induced abortion in the 1980's or 350 terminations/day. Legal abortion threatens the health of women, it causes sterility in 10-30% of cases, and is a causative factor in prematurity. Legal references to the rights of women are inconsistent, but even a 1959 Un convention on the rights of children has an anti- abortion stance. In Hungary there has been a ban on abortion for 9 centuries until 1953 when an administrative health ministry decree lifted it. In 1989 a group of doctors and legal professionals founded the organization Pacem in utero to fight abortion in a sympathetic cooperation with religious forces, but mainly relying on a medical-legal framework. They state that abortion should be allowed only in the case of a crime, in life-threatening situations for the pregnant woman, or if the fetus faces genetic damage. They seize every legal means of propagating anti-abortionist views with increasing public acceptance. membership has increased by 40%, and women tend to approve these goals after some initial hesitancy. The group campaigns for legal determination of the start of life and for a new abortion law to be passed by Parliament to ensure legal protection for the rights of the fetus. No state support has been received, but the mass media and the public have been sympathetic in addressing an issue of vital importance to the Hungarian nation.
CONTINUITY AND CHANGE. 1990 Aug; 5(2):199-224.This paper arises from a larger study of fertility control and population policy in Germany, 1910-1928, concerned with the tension between state population programmes and individual attempts to obtain reproductive choice. The aspect examined here is the medical ideology and its influence on abortion law and regulation. Consideration is given to the political climate and to the significant differences in opinion among male and female doctors. (SUMMARY IN FRE AND GER) (EXCERPT)
[The place of the child in French society since the sixteenth century] La place de l'enfant dans la societe francaise depius le XVIe siecle.
In: Denatalite: l'anteriorite francaise (1800-1914), edited by the Centre d'Etudes Transdisciplinaires, Ecole des Hautes Etudes en Sciences Sociales. Paris, France, Seuil, 1986. 247-57. (Communications No. 44)The author traces developments in the value placed on children and childhood in French society from the sixteenth century to the present. These developments are seen as factors underlying changes in contraceptive use and reproductive behavior in France. (ANNOTATION)