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Plano, Texas, Instructional Aides, 1984. 78 p. (A Guide on Current Topics)This document provides readers with a review of the history of the controversy regarding abortion, a summary of the major positions on both sides of this debate, and an assessment of public opinion regarding abortion. It draws heavily on research materials from the Centers for Disease Control, the Alan Guttmacher Institute, and the Population Council. Chapter 1 sets the abortion issue in historical perspective. Chapter 2 focuses on US Supreme Court decisions, while Chapter 3 discusses Congressional activities. Chapter 4 presents statistical data on the abortion rate in the US, demographic characteristics of abortion seekers, abortion techniques, and abortion-related mortality. Chapter 5 surveys the status of abortion around the world. Chapter 6 presents survey results on public attitudes toward abortion. Chapters 7 and 8 include statements from national leaders who believe abortion should not and should, respectively, be outlawed, while Chapters 9 and 10 present statements on both side of the debate as to whether the moment human life begins can be determined. Appendix I presents excerpts from Vatican position papers on abortion. Appendix II summarizes US laws, state by state, that limit access to abortion. Appendix III cites federal laws restricting abortion funding. Appendix IV presents proposed abortion legislation. And finally, Appendix V lists addresses of organizations that support abortion, organizations that oppose abortion, and institutions that maintain statistics on abortions in the US. Instructional Aides provides similar documents on a number of social issues, including aging, health, immigration, minorities, and women.
In: Redefining security: population movements and national security, edited by Nana Poku and David T. Graham. Westport, Connecticut, Praeger, 1998. 187-201.This chapter analyzes the process by which cross-border migration in Sweden has developed into a security issue. The analysis is contextualized broadly within the current globalization process.... The chapter also raises the question of what kind of national security a democratic state like Sweden should strive for. When the linkage between migration and security is analyzed academically, a common hypothesis is that a securitization of migration discourse--that is, a change in the official migration discourse of a state--is more likely to precede the securitization of the migration policy--that is, changes in the migration policy of the entity.... This chapter argues that the development of the link between migration and security in Sweden has been the other way around--security as a policy making act preceded the speech act. (EXCERPT)
DAEDALUS. 1995 Summer; 124(3):209-18.`Refugees' has long been the only category of immigrants for which Sweden has had any policies. Traditional immigration, in which men and women enter a foreign country in search of jobs or other social or economic goods, has for all practical purposes ceased to exist in Sweden. The clash between policies and opinions--in this instance between political myth and social realities--has become a matter of great importance. (EXCERPT)
Canberra, Australia, Australian National University, Research School of Social Sciences, Demography Program, 1997.  p. (Working Papers in Demography No. 71)In the context of the recent increase in non-white immigration to Australia, particularly from Asia, Australian attitudes toward immigration are examined in the light of Australia's search for a national identity. The author notes that there has always been an element of racism in Australian nationalism, and that public opinion is against Asian immigration, as well as against immigration in general, although immigration is not seen as an issue of major concern. The need for responsible political leadership to avoid an increase in anti-Asian attitudes, particularly among working-class Australians, is stressed.
TIDSSKRIFT FOR SAMFUNNSFORSKNING. 1996; 37(4):534-53.The author examines the contemporary Norwegian media debate on immigration and presents several examples illustrating the difference between an analytical and utopian approach to the issues. "Examples of analytical antagonism, not acceptable to utopians, are the contradiction between the idea of a `multicultural society' and specific cultural conditions for a common community, between claiming full integration of immigrants and at the same time full respect for an alien culture, and certain assumptions about immigrant culture as harmonious expression of the interests of all immigrants. When the program for full integration fails, this is often explained as an effect of assumed racist attitudes in the population. Contemporary radical mass mobilization against racism and fascism may possibly disguise public attention to more real totalitarian challenges to our civilization." (EXCERPT) (SUMMARY IN ENG)
In: Understanding the new politics of abortion, edited by Malcolm L. Goggin. Newbury Park, California, Sage Publications, 1993. 1-18.This introductory chapter to a book which describes the new politics of abortion in the US provides a framework for understanding the new situation and predicting future developments. The chapter outlines the parameters of the new politics of abortion ushered in by the 1989 Supreme Court decision in Webster vs. Reproductive Health Services which gave states more leeway to regulate access to abortion. These parameters are described by contrasting the "old" and "new" politics of abortion in terms of the political context which is described through consideration of major abortion court cases from 1973 to the present, attitudes expressed toward the legality of abortion from 1975 to 1988, and the activities of pro-choice and anti-abortion groups by year and type for 1985-89. The chapter then provides a framework which enhances understanding of this new political situation by assessing the scope and nature of the abortion conflict (in terms of religious, political, ideological, gender, class, and racial conflict) and the institutional context which provides an arena for this conflict. Abortion conflict can be understood by 1) considering Schattschneider's concept of the losing side's tactic of "expanding the scope of the conflict" versus the winning side's efforts to contain the scope of the conflict to maintain the favorable balance of power and 2) applying Greenstone and Peterson's distinction between "ideological" and "pluralistic" bargaining (abortion politics is characterized by pluralistic bargaining because each side is trying to defeat the other side rather than to persuade it to change its position). The chapter ends by posing the questions which will be addressed in the book and presenting the plan of the book.
INTERNATIONAL MIGRATION REVIEW. 1996 Summer; 30(2):535-70.This article aims to contribute to an understanding of contemporary American attitudes toward immigration....The paper uses data from a CBS News/New York Times poll conducted in June 1993. Respondents were asked whether they would like to see the level of immigration to the United States increased, decreased or kept the same. We test several hypotheses about factors influencing respondents' attitudes, including the importance of previously unexamined predictors. These new hypotheses relate to views about the health of the U.S. economy, feelings of social and political alienation, and isolationist sentiments concerning international economic issues and foreign relations. One important discovery is the close connection between possessing restrictionist immigration attitudes and having an isolationist perspective along a broader array of international issues. (EXCERPT)
[Unpublished] 1991. Presented at the Demographic and Health Surveys World Conference, Washington, D.C., August 5-7, 1991. 32 p.Brazil's National Survey of Maternal-Child Health and Family Planning, conducted in 1986 as part of the international program of Demographic and Health Surveys, consolidated and extended the findings of 9 previous state-level surveys. This work outlines the impact of survey data on Brazil's private sector family planning organizations, donor agencies, the press and opinion leaders, and the federal government and legislators. The finding of the survey that the rate of contraceptive usage among women aged 15-44 married or in union was much higher than expected at 65.4%, initially suggested that the family planning organizations and donors had completed their tasks, but more careful scrutiny pointed up serious problems. Family planning problems identified in the survey included low levels of knowledge and use of contraception in the impoverished northeast and among groups with low levels of income and education; a very high proportion of users (80%) of just 2 methods, oral contraceptives (OCs) and female sterilization; low rates of use of other effective and reversible methods; a large number of unnecessary caesareans performed only to give the woman access to sterilization services, with fully 72% of sterilized women undergoing the procedure during a cesarean delivery; low average age (31.4 years) of sterilization acceptors and low parity of a substantial proportion; use of pharmacies to obtain supplies by over 93% of OC users and OC use at inappropriate ages; low male participation in family planning; and lack of family planning services for adolescents. The survey demonstrated the reality of family planning in Brazil and prompted a rethinking of the aims and goals of family planning programs. Many aspects of maternal-child health and sexual and reproductive health in addition to provision of contraceptives should be included in a high quality family planning program. The survey findings did not completely resolve all the polemics and controversies that have beset the family planning program in Brazil, but they helped dispel some charges against the program. For the most part, only the most strongly ideological opponents have remained unmoved.
WORLDAIDS. 1992 Jan; (19):10.White, U.S. homosexual males were primarily affected in the early stages of the AIDS pandemic. Some Western researchers argued, however, that the syndrome originated in Africa. Strong political and social response to this notion resulted in only an anemic response to the growing AIDS epidemic in Nigeria. Nonetheless, the Stop AIDS Organization finally launched the Motor Park AIDS Education Program (MPAEP) in 1988, for health and education outreach to populations at risk of STDs and HIV infection. Specifically targeted are long-distance truck drivers, their young male assistants known as motor boys, and the barmaids, prostitutes, and homeless juveniles who frequent motor parks where these drivers rest while on the road. Many of these long-haul drivers have unprotected casual and commercial sex, both homosexual and heterosexual, take drugs, and suffer high rates of STDs. Marginalized, 75% illiterate, and speaking a variety of languages, these populations tend to be largely ignorant of the incurable nature of AIDS. Over 45% of motor park populations are estimated to be infected with an STD, or to have a future re-infection. These drivers are optimal vectors for the spread of HIV both internationally and within Nigeria. MPAEP workers work 6 days/week in the larger interstate motor parks to reach out to their predominantly male customers. They meet a host of primary health needs, and refer STD clients for testing and treatment. Drug use and homosexuality are 2 topics of discussion especially taboo in African society which have nonetheless been vigorously researched by MPAEP. Many drivers are unacknowledged bisexuals who have sex with their motor boys. Workers therefore explain the need to use condoms in same-sex activity without specifically mentioning homosexuality. Many Nigerians deny the existence of HIV and AIDS, are reluctant to speak about sex, and consider MPAEP workers to be intruders. Despite opposition in Muslim- dominated Northern Nigeria, however, program efforts continue.
St. Paul, Minnesota, Greenhaven Press, Inc., 1988. 223 p. (Opposing Viewpoints Series)This book presents opposing viewpoints on AIDS issues such as its seriousness, its control ability, civil rights, governmental response, and its effects on society. The design of this book is to encourage critical thinking on the topic. The 1st chapter debates the vulnerability of society to AIDS. From the writings in this chapter, it appears that no consensus is reached concerning the seriousness of AIDS. The 2nd chapter discusses the need to control the transmission of AIDS. >1.5 million people are infected with the HIV virus, and about 5 million people are estimated to be carriers of the disease. Means of control debated in this chapter include education, mandatory testing, and illegalizing homosexuality. The issue of civil rights and controlling AIDS is presented in chapter 3. On one side, it is debated that controlling for AIDS promotes discrimination against AIDS patients. However, the opposing view argues that control is needed through legal measures, restrictions, and behavioral changes. Chapter 4 addresses the government's response to AIDS. Problems encountered by the government include assessing AIDS' impact on society and its sexual transmission. The last chapter discusses ways in which AIDS has affected our society. As a result of AIDS, sexual behavior has changed and the number of deaths have risen.
YEARBOOK OF POPULATION RESEARCH IN FINLAND. 1989; 27:53-9.The fertility level in Finland, after decades of decline, has stabilized at 1.6; attitudes and practical obstacles to reversing this negative growth are presented. The low fertility in Finland has a long history and complex causation, but is now so entrenched as to be embedded in the culture. People, women included, think as individuals, and consider family development to be their private business. The small family is such an accepted cultural norm that political speeches about raising fertility are considered inappropriate. The lack of adequate affordable housing, the high taxation and indebtedness experienced by young people, and the lack of institutional support, especially day care are practical factors preventing childbearing. Many women are used to having a job and being independent, and do not relish taking on double labor. Others have had bad experiences with poor day care and housing arrangements with 1 child and do not want to repeat it with another. The breakup of traditional extended families has eliminated child care, but also raises the question how elderly people will be cared for. While there is an evident lack of political solutions to the problem of population structure, even larger is the problem of social renewal, of creating a new society where children will fit in.
Social Science and Medicine. 1989; 29(4):545-53.This article addresses the high incidence of AIDS in Puerto Rico (PR). Reasons include the high incidence of homosexuality and drug usage on the island, and the high rates of return migration and tourism between New York and PR. Since there is very little material on AIDS in PR, much of the data on the public's knowledge and awareness of the disease has been taken from the daily press. All copies of the 5 major daily newspapers were reviewed from January 1981 to the present. 1981 was the 1st year that AIDS was accepted as a disease, the year the 1st medical articles appeared describing it, and the year it was named. Nearly all information regarding the AIDS epidemic in PR has been turned into major controversies: the incidence of the disease (actual cases), testing for it, funding of AIDS research and patient care, methods of preventing the disease (education), the use of condoms, methods of contacting the disease and how infection can be avoided, and protection of prisoners. The victims of AIDS: the homosexuals, drug addicts, and hemophiliacs were left out of the controversies as participants. The controversies were nonmedical and nonscientific, suggesting that the public perceived insufficient interest on the part of medical and political leaders and was expropriating the problem. AIDS was seen as more of a political question than a medical one, with politicians turning the controversies into debates. It can be concluded that unless a strong apolitical socially organized assault is mounted on AIDS by the people, a society such as PR will have difficulty surviving the epidemic.
SOCIOLOGICAL REVIEW. 1987 Feb; 35(1):123-49.The activities of 2 main pressure groups in the decade of the 1970s--the Society for the Protection of the Unborn Child (SPUC) and the LIFE organization--and the evidence they submitted to the Lane Committee, established in 1971 to examine the working of the Abortion Act, and the Select Committee, formed to discuss James White's Amendment Bill in 174, are reviewed. Official campaign literature, public statements on the part of leading anti-abortion activists, national press reports, and parliamentary debates on the issues have helped to provide some insight into the ideological stance of the anti-abortion movement in England and Wales during the 1970s. Fieldwork was undertaken which included nonparticipant observation at local branch meetings of SPUC and LIFE, the completion of a self-administered questionnaire by 64 group members, and semi-structured interviews with 25 local campaign leaders and group activists. The subsequent analysis presents anti-abortion protest as an example of moral crusade by focusing on Gusfield's notion of cultural fundamentalism and his analytical distinction between assimilative and coercive reform. Some participants in the anti-abortion campaign accept that a small number of abortions may need to be performed for genuine medical reasons and do not adopt the extreme position that abortion should be prohibited. This group does demand a change in the law to prevent mass abortion on demand. Both LIFE and SPUC have a clearly recognizable moral reform dimension. The analysis of the campaign literature and the study of a small sample of campaign activists revealed that pressure group members share a common concern about the erosion of moral standards. To adopt the terminology of Gusfield, the anti-abortion movement can be construed, in part, as a movement of cultural fundamentalism, which favors the reestablishment of traditional values and seeking an end to the moral uncertainty endemic in modern society. As the anti-abortion movement is primarily concerned about amending existing legislation, a coercive strategy of reform prevails. The analysis makes it evident that the anti-abortionists in their emphasis on fundamental values seek to promote a traditional sexual morality but also are trying to establish what they believe to be the moral superiority of the traditional nuclear family. Due to the fact that no abortion amendment bills have been proposed on which to focus their campaign, in recent years the anti-abortionists have increasingly focused on the enforcement of existing legislation in an effort to reduce the number of abortions and publicize their moral stance.
YEARBOOK OF POPULATION RESEARCH IN FINLAND. 1986; 24:29-42.The goal in this paper is to present and discuss results from several Dutch research projects dealing with the acceptance and demographic effects of new policy measures aimed at increasing fertility. The discussion covers the history of Dutch population policy since 1945, research on the acceptance of future pronatalist policy measures, a preliminary test of Mancur Olson's collective action theory applied to the relationship between population concern and acceptance of population policy, and evidence from social demographic research on the demographic impact of 1 particular type of pronatalist policy. The population has increased by over 10 million people over the last 100 years with some 45% of the increase taking place after 1945. The years immediately following the war were characterized by high birthrates. Natural population growth, mainly in the early 1950s, was attenuated by the number of persons leaving the country. This lasted until about 1960. Since then there has been an immigration surplus, yet in the 1970s the annual population growth was smaller than in the early years. A marked decrease in fertility was responsible for this. The fertility decrease is caused mostly by the fact that the number of high parity births has decreased. Since 1970, the number of 1st births also has decreased. The 1st stage in Dutch population policy covers the period 1945 to the late 1960s. In the first 15 years after World War II, the annual marked increase in population numbers worried the government and several segments of the general population, but an explicit interest on the part of the government in steering (natural) population growth did not exist. The 2nd stage of population policy covers the period from 1970 to the early 1980s. A Royal Commission on Population was established in 1972, and the essential message of their 1974 report was the termination of natural growth as soon as possible. 2 years after the publication of the Commission's final report the government stated their position, that is, for the Netherlands to reach a stationary population. During the 1970s, the total fertility rate declined from 2.6 (1970) to 1.6 (1980). It was this decline, combined with the aging of the population, that led the Interdepartmental Commission on Population Policy (ICB) in 1982 to become alert to the forecast that a stationary population of 12-14 million might not be reached in the near future. In early 1983 the government formulated a new position. The government now considers as imperative a change in the fertility trend over the next several years. If this change fails to occur, they maintain that it may be necessary to implement pronatalist policy measures. A public opinion survey conducted in early 1983 showed that 22% of the respondents responded affirmatively to the question about whether or not they would like to have more children when a pronatalist policy is introduced, yet only 12% indicated a willingness to reconsider their fertility intention upon implementation of this type of policy (N=250). Only 1/3 indicated a willingness to change their fertility intention in a pronatalist way. A government that uses data obtained from public opinion surveys instead of information stemming from demographic policy research may be deceived in the long run. More attention needs to be paid to demographic policy research.
Attitudes towards demographic trends and population policy: a comparative multi-variate analysis of survey results from Italy and the Netherlands.
[Unpublished] 1987. Presented at the European Population Conference, 1987, Jyvaskyla, Finland, June 11-16, 1987. 18 p.The results of surveys of the attitudes toward current demographic trends and population policies conducted in Italy and Netherlands were compared. The Dutch and Italian surveys were comparable because their aims and parts of the questionnaire were similar, making it possible to analyze the common aspects. The Italian data were taken from a recent survey of the National Institute of Population Research. The survey population included all those of reproductive and marriageable age. 1503 interviews were conducted. The survey was initiated in November 1983 and terminated in February 1984. 952 people were interviewed in the Dutch survey, initiated in 1983. It comprised a representative 2-stage stratified random sample of the Dutch population aged 20-64 years. Both the Dutch and the Italians knew that the birthrate had been declining: 93% of the Italians and 63% of the Dutch. This trend was rated positively by 52% of the Italians and 46% of the Dutch. 52% of the Italian respondents and 58% of the Dutch wanted the population to remain stationary in the future. The 1st important difference was that in Italy the number of respondents who evaluated the birth decline negatively was about 2.5 times as high as in the Netherlands where there was a very high percentage of people who were indifferent to the problem--40% in the Netherlands, 10% in Italy. In Italy, 15% favored an increase in population size in contrast to 8% in the Netherlands. The respondents in both countries had clear ideas on the causes of the fertility decline, but the Italians generally had less set ideas than the Dutch. The economic crisis and the lack of confidence in the future were identified as the most important causes; in the Netherlands, women's work outside the home was considered to be more important than in Italy. In both countries, state intervention concerning fertility was rejected in the majority of cases--67% of the Italians and 81% of the Dutch. A 2-step elaboration was carried out for the identification of typologies of respondents. The Multiple Correspondence Analysis was carried out on 2 subjects: Knowledge and evaluation of current demographic trends; and the acceptance of population policies concerning fertility in relation to their perception of the falling birthrate. The analysis identified typologies of respondents with different levels of information and opinion towards population trends, and 4 clusters for Italy and 4 for the Netherlands were comparable. both the "pronatalist" and the antinatalist" respondents in both countries were, in general, well informed, and in both countries the "interventionists" were, in general, people with a low level of education.
[Health personnel in the matter of legal abortion: physicians and other personnel should have the right to refuse to perform abortions] Lakare och ovrig personal skall ha ratt vagra utfora aborter.
LAKARTIDNINGEN. 1983 Sep; 80(39):3541-5.712 responses to 765 questionnaires distributed to health care personnel revealed that, since 1975 when the abortion law came into effect in Sweden, attitudes toward abortion have become less critical than a 1972 survey had indicated. Most of the respondents (91%) were women, 50% worked in women's clinics, while the 114 control subjects were employed in psychiatric or surgical wards. Most had participated in abortion procedures (305 vacuum extractions and 296 late abortions), and only 125 had no direct experience with abortion. Most respondents (87%) had not had an abortion. Results showed that about 20% had a critical and uninformed view of legal abortion, 1/3 had difficulty with the thought of seeking an abortion, another 1/3 preferred adoption to abortion, and 50% thought society should curtail abortions. The attitudes of psychiatric staff were more liberal: 80% approved of seeking an abortion for themselves as opposed to only 50% of ob-gyn personnel. More respondents expressed a negative view of abortion in 1981 than in 1972 (only 20% approved of it in cases where there was no medical risk to the mother, whereas 37% had approved of it in 1972). Most respondents thought that the decision to seek abortion should also involve men, and to a lesser degree, gynecologists, psychiatrists, and social workers. The majority (92.8%) approved of extensive counseling prior to abortion. 64% approved of special abortion clinics and also gave a positive response to the question of whether performing abortions was one of the duties of physicians. Another 46% of the respondents agreed that medical personnel had the right to deny abortion. A large percentage (66%) considered the abortion procedure a negative experience, especially doctors and operating room nurses. The majority of respondents (344 = 80%) thought that better information about contraception, fetal development, and sexuality would help reduce prevailing abortion figures. About 1/2 of those surveyed also favored a more restrictive abortion law. Finally, many respondents stressed that socio-economic factors, employment, and male attitudes about child rearing contributed to individual decisions.
INTERNATIONAL QUARTERLY OF COMMUNITY HEALTH EDUCATION. 1987; 7(3):201-10.Bangladesh is an example of a developing country where tobacco use and its subsequent social costs are increasing. The production of cigarettes in Bangladesh increased by 300% in the 1972-84 period. To assess attitudes toward the use of tobacco and reactions to various alternative governmental policies aimed at discouraging smoking, a cross-section of 772 adult residents of the capital city of Dhaka were interviewed. Respondents were selected from 5 distinct groups: university students, the informal working class, skilled blue collar workers, housewives, and the entrepreneurial-white collar management class. The results indicate that smokers and nonsmokers in Bangladesh differ in their awareness regarding the dangers of smoking. Both smokers and nonsmokers agreed that the governments should warn people of the dangers associated with tobacco use and that high schools should educate young people about such health hazards, although nonsmokers felt more strongly about these issues than smokers. Nonsmokers were also significantly more likely than smokers to support the idea of a ban on cigarette production. Both groups expressed agreement with the notion that women should not smoke during pregnancy. In general, however, smokers were less likely than nonsmokers to be aware of the health hazards associated with tobacco use. Limitations on public places where smoking would be allowed were accepted as a viable government policy by most respondents. Neither group advocated an increase in cigarette production as a means of increasing government revenues. It is hoped that market pressures in the form of a reduced demand for tobacco products, social pressure resulting from nonacceptance of smoking in public places, and government intervention in the form of a ban on the advertising of tobacco products will force the tobacco companies to reallocate their resources.
CLINICS IN OBSTETRICS AND GYNAECOLOGY. 1986 Mar; 13(1):1-17.Attention is directed to preindustrial and transitional societies to illustrate the great variety of techniques and conditions under which abortion is practiced. The discussion covers changes in abortion status and attitudes through time as well as past and current attitudes in the US. Abortion traditionally has been performed under 2 primary sets of circumstances: the mother (or couple) does not want the pregnancy; or, for a variety of reasons, the pregnancy is deemed unacceptable by the given society, extended family, or a specific family member, usually the husband. Most accounts of abortion deal with its voluntary practice, revealing often the lengths to which women will go to control their fertility in the absence of contraception. Yet, examples exist from both preindustrial and modern societies where the decision to have an abortion is not made by the woman alone but is influenced either wholly or in part by political or cultural factors. Women who want an abortion either have performed the procedures themselves or have sought help from community practitioners, friends, or relative. Abortion techniques are highly varied and include abortifacients, magic, mechanical methods (such as instrumentation, constriction, and insertion of foreign objects into the uterus), heat applied externally, strenuous physical activity, jolts to the body, and starvation. Although abortion is extensively and rather openly practiced in many primitive societies, few groups give it unqualified approval. Cross-culturally, the most prevalent conditions for either approving of or imposing abortion include unmarried status of the mother, adultery, ambiguous paternity, mother's poor health, lactation of the mother, consent of the father, death of the father, rape, incest, and other varieties of illegal union. In Western civilization attitdues vary and have been changing in most cases. As of mid-1982, 10% of the world's population lived in countries where abortion was prohibited under all circumstances and 18% in countries where it was permitted only to save the mother's life. Close to 2/3 of the countries in Latin America, most countries in Africa, most Muslim Countries in Asia, and the 5 European countries of Belgium, Ireland, Malta, Portugal, and Spain belong in these 2 categories. An additional 8% lived in countries that permitted abortion under broad medical grounds. The remaining 64% of the world's population were governed by statutes that either allowed abortion on broad social grounds, such as unmarried status of the mother and financial problems, or permitted it on demand (usually within the 1st trimester). Recent estimates of the number of abortions have ranged up to 55 million, corresponding to an abortion rate of 70/1000 women of reproductive age and to an abortion ratio of 300/1000 known pregnancies. The US liberalized its abortion policy and then subsequently added restrictions at federal, state or local levels. Abortion is 1 of the most divisive issues in the US. Opinions range from disapproval under all circumstances, even to save the mother's life, to approval for any reason, i.e., on demand.
JOURNAL OF APPLIED SOCIAL PSYCHOLOGY. 1986; 16(2):95-106.Government policy toward provision of sex education and contraception for adolescents is influenced by public opinion. This is reflected in the fact that recent program formulation appears to follow the conventional wisdom of a general conservative shift among the American public; i.e., recent policy toward adolescent pregnancy is conservative in the sense of being reactive rather than preventive. The validity of this conventional wisdom was checked by examining available data on public opinion toward sex education and birth control services for teenagers. However, these data reveal an upward, not a downward, trend in public approval of such services for adolescents, which runs counter to the conventional wisdom. The available data on American opinions and values demonstrate that the overall movement in attitudes decisively contradicts the idea of a simple conservative swing. Provision of more and better contraceptive services and sex education to teenagers is an important policy goal that would lower the incidence of adolescent pregnancy and would be supported by the American people. (author's modified.)
[Emancipation and population problems: a secondary analysis of the CBS survey on different aspects of life, 1974] Emancipatie en bevolkingsproblematiek: een secundaire analyse op het leefsituatie-onderzoek 1974.
BEVOLKING EN GEZIN. 1985 Jul; (1):7-23.Findings from a sample survey in the city of Leiden and pertaining to the relationship between background variables and attitudes towards population policy, are compared with results from a nationwide survey among the Dutch population in 1974. Multivariate analyses confirm the relationship between indicators of emancipation, population policy variables, and political orientation. People in favour of information regarding population growth, are often in favour of measures promoting birth control and they also advocate the extension of child care facilities. (SUMMARY IN ENG) (EXCERPT)
Italians' attitudes towards the births decline and the acceptance of a population policy concerning fertility
In: Contribution of Italian scholars to the IUSSP XX General Conference/Contribution des Italiens au XX Congres General de l'UIESP, Firenze, 5-12 giugno 1985. Rome, Italy, Consiglio Nazionale delle Ricerche, Istituto di Ricerche sulla Popolazione, 1985. 125-42.This paper reports the results of a survey carried out in Italy in 1983-84 of attitudes and opinions concerning current demographic trends and population policy. The 1503 respondents answered questions on topics such as nuptiality, the image of marriage, life style changes, population structure, the causes and effects of the recent fertility decline, ideal and actual family size, birth spacing, and state intervention in population issues. 93% of respondents were aware that births have declined in the past 10 years, and most attributed this to economic factors. 52% of respondents indicated the fertility decline is a positive trend in light of socioeconomic factors such as unemployment and the housing crisis. In addition, 56% expressed the opinion that ideal family size in Italy (2.2 children) is congruent with actual family size. 67% of respondents indicated that the State should not interfere in any way in the reproductive behavior of Italian citizens. 26% favored intervention, either to increase (12%), maintain (8%), or decrease (6%) present fertility levels. In general, respondents equated state intervention in fertility with repression and violation of personal freedom akin to that which occurred under the fascist regime. The minority of respondents who were in favor of state intervention, either to increase or decrease fertility, expressed a preference for noncoercive measures such as public information campaigns and removal of economic barriers to parenthood. These results suggest that Italy's family policy should be based on democratic consensus and guarantee reproductive choice to couples without outside interference or reference to questions of national welfare.
Journal of Social History. 1985 Spring; 18(3):399-411.The transition from resistance to acceptance of birth control in the US can be characterized as a 3 stage process, with each period facing its own issues and choices. The 1st stage -- the fight over birth control in the early 20th century -- has been documented by historians like James Reed, Linda Gordon, and David Kennedy. A 2nd stage, approximately the years from 1936-60, has not been fully explored although the period was crucial in shaping the current system of contraceptive health care. This discussion focuses on this transitional period, particularly its 1st decade, 1936-47. Physicians' attitudes, as revealed through American Medical Association (AMA) policy and a national survey conducted in 1947, are considered in relation to reported data on clinic and private practice. This evidence reveals that despite the liberalization of laws and public opinion in the mid-1930s, contraception did not become widely available until after 1960 -- the beginning of the 3rd stage in the history of American contraception -- and that the restriction of birth control information during the period was traceble in large part to the medical profession. Analysis of the 1936-47 decade, particularly with regard to the concerns of doctors, provides a framework for understanding the forces that affected contraceptive health care in the mid 20th century and suggests conditions that continue to shape the politics of birth control. In 1936, when the AMA's committee on contraception submitted its 1st report, it was clear that legal and public opinion had moved decisively toward more liberal attitudes concerning birth control. In 1937 the AMA passed a qualified endorsement of birth control, indicating that the organized medical profession as represented by the AMA held views on birth control at the beginning of the 2nd stage that were more conservative than those of most middle-class Americans. Its conservatism was challenged by lay groups who threatened to circumvent standard office practice if physicians failed to modify their views. Public opinion and behavior thus had a demonstrable effect on medical attitudes. 10 years after the AMA resolution a suvey found that more than 2/3 of physicians approved of contraception for any married women who requested it. The 1937-47 period witnessed 2 important changes in medical attitudes toward contraception: the profession's public, though cautious, endorsement of birth control; and the apparent adoption of liberalized standards for the prescription of contraceptive materials. The period also was a time of tremendous growth for the new birth control clinics that offered services to women who could not afford private care. Available evidence suggests that physicians' attitudes toward contraception, and particularly toward birth control clinics, were more important than either laws or public opinion in limiting the availability of those contraceptives considered most efficient (and most compatible with sexual pleasure) between 1936-60.
Genus. 1984 Jan-Jun; 40(1-2):155-71.State intervention in population and family planning has been gradually increasing on the assumption that unregulated population growth poses serious national problems requiring public action. Among 152 developing nations in areas surveyed with respect to population and family planning policies in 1980, 52 supported family planning primarily from a demographic rationale and 65 from a health or human rights rationale, while only 35 provide no support. There appear to be 4 major underlying sociophilosophical perspectives on the role of the state in population planning: 1) the deontic/utilitarian whose prime concern is with the rights and obligations of present generations to future generations; this view provides a very vague basis for a general policy of population planning, 2) the environmentalist, which with varying degrees of pessimism in different formulations argue the need to limit population and economic growth because of the limited nature of the world's resources; this view ignores a considerable body of evidence that more than just overpopulation is involved in environmental problems, 3) the family planning perspective, advocated and supported by various international organizations and conferences, holds that decisions about birth control should be made by prospective parents. The assumption is that making birth control methods and education readily accessible to everyone will eventually result in birth rates which are desirable for the society as a whole. In practice, it is difficult to establish whether such voluntaristic measures are enough to control population, 4) the developmental distributionist position sees low birth rates as resulting from modernization, including such factors as more equitable distribution of income and increased educational and social services. Pakistan's family planning program has undergone 3 major bureaucratic reorganizations and shifts in strategy consequent on changes in national leadership since services were 1st offered in 1965. Singapore's leadership has supported family planning actively and consistently since 1966, and the country's socioeconomic development has contributed to its remarkable fertility decline. A 1975 survey of 864 persons in Singapore and a 1981 survey of 584 persons in Pakistan included questions on opinions of the appropriate role of the state in population planning. In Singapore and Pakistan respectively, 31 and 17% felt that the government should have a strict role in controlling family size, 32 and 10% felt that the government should primarily provide advice and pass laws, 18 and 18% felt the government should provide advice only, 17 and 37% felt it should be left to the married couple, and 2 and 18% didn't know. The empirical evidence suggests that the political legitimacy of the state and public policies to promote distributive justice, are both more developed in Singapore than Pakistan, have significant influence on the degree of public acceptance of state intervention in family planning.
International Review of Natural Family Planning. 1984 Summer; 8(2):95-101.Abortion should not be looked at as a purely medical procedure but should be regulated by legal restrictions. There are many reasons for this. The 1st is that abortion is not a typical medical procedure. 2nd, there is an anti-abortion tradition in American medicine. Last, scientific progress has led to improved management of medical and psychiatric complications of pregnancy. There are conflicting viewpoints on abortion in the US today. The majority of Americans would accept abortion under certain circumstances. Making abortion a matter of a right to privacy under all circumstances and subject only to medical control has never been accepted by a majority of Americans. Gallup Poll results are given. A legal case is made for the unborn child. The Hatch-Eagleton Amendment to the US constitution is discussed. It states that a right of abortion is not secured by this constitution. The amendment, requiring a 2/3 majority, was defeated 50-49 with Senator Helms abstaining. The amendment's purpose would be to give national and local legislative bodies the provilege of legislating to limit access to abortion. The Hatch-Eagleton Amendment does not stipulate that there will be no exceptions to abortion nor does it stipulate those circumstances under which abortion would be prohibited. If the Amendment were passed, it would still be possible to pass federal and/or state laws allowing for abortion to save the life of the mother. A decade of "agonizing conflict" has followed "Roe v. Wade" and "Doe v. Bolton." The medical profession is deeply involved in the abortion decision, but it is unrealistic to expect that its restricted professional view mall prevail in a democratic and pluralistic society. It is obvious that a consensus must be reached that reflects the divergent viewpoints of 200 million American citizens rather than the mere consensus of the 7 Supreme Court justices.
Some attitudes of black opinion leaders toward family planning and the National Family Planning Programme
Pretoria, South Africa, Human Sciences Research Council, Institute for Sociological and Demographic Research, 1984. x, 15 p. (RGN.HSRC Report no. S-107)The role that black opinion leaders in South Africa play in the area of family planning is examined, with the objective of establishing whether they can be used as agents of change in the National Family Planning Programme. The data concern 80 black opinion leaders and were obtained in interviews conducted in 1982. The results suggest that their attitude is positive, but that they have reservations concerning the political aspects of the government's role in the national program. (summary in AFR) (ANNOTATION)