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Asian Journal of Women's Studies. 1999 Mar 31; 5(1): p..For many centuries, the kitchen has been regarded as the world of women. However, it has gradually become a world of both men and women. Changes in women's roles in the kitchen reflect the transforming social position of women. Accordingly, change in men and women's performance of housework mirrors a shift in the sexual division of labor. This is accompanied by changed attitudes as well. For example, according to one investigation made by the undergraduates of the university where Ms. Wang works, only 28 percent of the women undergraduates agreed with the proposition: "A woman should try her best to be a good wife and mother, whether or not she is successful in her career." This percentage is much lower than that of women of Ms. Wang's generation. Moreover, Ms. Wang's daughter, [Lian Lian], who is much younger than the undergraduates, not only has a great longing for advanced kitchen facilities in the future, but has her own views about cooking and housework. When asked if in the future, she would like to prepare meals for the whole family as her mother has done, Lian Lian replied definitely: "I would not like to." Lian Lian likes to play with one of the boys in her class, and she once told her mother: "If I get married to him in the future, I will be a very lucky girl, because his father is a chef, and I may not have to cook much then." (author's)
In: Quest for gender justice: a critique of the status of women in India, edited by Sebasti L. Raj. Madras, India, T.R. Publications, 1991. 98-110.The socioeconomic factors that lead to unwed motherhood in India are complex. The way that neglect contributes to this phenomenon is illustrated by the case of a daughter of an upper-middle class family consigned to life in a boarding school while her parents lived in the Middle East. This young woman became pregnant after meeting a young man who offered her the attention and love she was missing. She had her baby and eventually married the young man. Another young woman in a similar situation choose abortion and suffers extreme guilt from her decision. Economic deprivation can also cause unwed motherhood as illustrated by the case of a young widow who worked as a housemaid. Eventually the son of the household fathered a child by the widow and then by her eldest daughter. In some cases, women are betrayed by the men who entice them into sexual relationships only to desert them when a pregnancy occurs. A fourth cause is juvenile delinquency that arises from unstable family relationships and from poverty. The problems faced by unwed mothers include psychological and emotional stress as well as social criticism, ostracism, and isolation. In addition, unmarried mothers place a burden on their families who must deal with the loss of status in society. If an unwed woman becomes pregnant as a result of rape, she should receive the help she needs and there should be no stigma attached to her children. In general, however, it is better for society to counter the conditions that lead to unwed motherhood than to deal with the aftermath. Society has a responsibility, however, for helping to restore the dignity of unwed mothers.
In: Understanding the new politics of abortion, edited by Malcolm L. Goggin. Newbury Park, California, Sage Publications, 1993. 123-33.This document is the seventh chapter in a book which provides a framework for considering the "new" politics of abortion in the US (created when the Supreme Court gave states more leeway in regulating access to abortion) and the second of four chapters in a section devoted to an exploration of conflict in a variety of institutional settings. This chapter analyzes the legislative behavior of politicians in Idaho during a 1990 abortion controversy caused by the passage and veto of bill H625 which would have created the most restrictive abortion law in the US. In this study, the unit of analysis was the individual legislator and the dependent variable was the vote. Independent variables were the legislator's gender, party affiliation, and religion and the legislative district's religious composition. After an introduction, the chapter describes the Bill and its legislative journey from its introduction on February 9th to its veto on March 31st. The literature on legislative decision-making is reviewed to explain that this vote can be categorized as an "abnormal" decision based on factors which differ from the norm. It was found that 41/46 members of the Mormon church, 21/59 Protestants, and 10/20 Catholics voted for H625. The pro-choice position was supported by 65% of the female and 36% of the male legislators and by 26/39 Democrats but only 27/86 Republicans. In the subsequent 1990 election, the primary sponsor and author of the Senate version of the bill and the Senate Majority Leader were defeated by pro-choice women. The sponsor won reelection in 1992 after promising not to pursue abortion legislation. Anti-abortion groups have indicated that they will again seek legislation to restrict abortion rights if a pro-life governor is elected in the state.