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Your search found 43 Results

  1. 1
    Peer Reviewed

    AIDS policy responsiveness in Africa: evidence from opinion surveys.

    Fox AM

    Global Public Health. 2014; 9(1-2):224-48.

    As a result of massive scale-up efforts in developing countries, millions of people living with HIV are now receiving antiretroviral therapy (ART). However, countries have been uneven in their scale-up efforts with ART coverage rates exceeding expectations in some places and lagging behind expectation in others. This paper develops a model that explains ART scale-up as a function of the responsiveness of political parties to their primary constituents. Specifically, the paper argues that, faced with a perilous 'threat to the nation', countries responded in one of two ways, both of which were designed to appeal to their primary constituents--either adopting a 'Geneva Consensus' response, or depicting the epidemic as a Western disease and adopting a 'pan-African' response. The article tests this theory using Afrobarometer data for eleven countries. The paper finds that HIV/AIDS is generally a non-partisan issue in most countries. However, the analysis does uncover some differences in partisan support for HIV/AIDS responses in both countries that have adopted Geneva Consensus and pan-African responses, though not in the direction hypothesised. The lack of congruence in policy preferences between the public and their governments suggests a democratic deficit in that these governments have acted independently of the preferences of core constituents.
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  2. 2
    Peer Reviewed

    Love matches: heteronormativity, modernity, and AIDS prevention in Malawi.

    Esacove AW

    Gender and Society. 2010 Feb; 24(1):83-109.

    This article identifies the dominant public narrative of AIDS in Malawi through an analysis of qualitative interview data and policy and intervention materials. The public narrative creates distinctions between "risky" and "healthy" sex that organize HIV prevention efforts around moral categories, rather than relative risk. These distinctions oppose images of backward, ignorant villagers to the protective power of "love matches" (loving heterosexual relationships between equals). The analysis demonstrates that the public narrative and corresponding prevention efforts only make sense in connection with the patently false assumption that love, heterosexuality, and modernity effectively protect individuals from HIV. This research brings to light the unspoken assumptions of modernity in the (Western) "charmed circle" of heteronormativity, as well as the need to consider the workings of heteronormativity in studies of modernization and globalization. Furthermore, it highlights individualistic and oversimplified analytic models currently directing HIV prevention efforts and points to potentially more effective strategies.
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  3. 3
    Peer Reviewed

    Keep talking about it: HIV/AIDS-related communication and prior HIV testing in Tanzania, Zimbabwe, South Africa, and Thailand.

    Hendriksen ES; Hlubinka D; Chariyalertsak S; Chingono A; Gray G; Mbwambo J; Richter L; Kulich M; Coates TJ

    AIDS and Behavior. 2009 Dec; 13(6):1213-21.

    Informal, interpersonal communication within a community about HIV and AIDS, or lack of such communication, may influence community members' uptake of voluntary counseling and testing. Drawing from Noelle-Neumann's spiral of silence theory, this study examined the association between communication about HIV/AIDS and prior HIV testing in communities in Tanzania, Zimbabwe, South Africa, and Thailand. Participants (N = 14,818) in 48 communities across five sites throughout the four countries completed a behavioral survey assessing communication, prior voluntary counseling and testing (VCT) uptake, social norms, stigma, and sexual risk. Site-specific logistic regression models demonstrated that frequent conversations about HIV were significantly associated with prior HIV testing at every site. Odds ratios for each site ranged from 1.885 to 3.085, indicating a roughly doubled or tripled chance of past VCT uptake. Results indicate that verbal communication may be an important mechanism for increasing health behaviors and inclusion in future interventions should be considered.
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  4. 4
    Peer Reviewed

    Policies around sexual and reproductive health and rights in Peru: Conflict, biases and silence.

    Caceres C; Cueto M; Palomino N

    Global Public Health. 2008; 3(S2):39-57.

    This study is aimed at examining how subsequent Peruvian governments, since 1990, have addressed reproductive rights, HIV/AIDS prevention and treatment, and sexual diversity rights, as well as the drastic policy shifts and its many contradictions. Abortion and contraception consistently generated the deepest public controversies and debates, which made progress in reproductive rights difficult. HIV/AIDS was often portrayed as having the potential to affect everyone, which allowed advocates and activists to achieve some success in advancing HIV/AIDS-related rights. Sexual diversity rights, perceived as a demand made by "others", were generally trivialised and disdained by politicians, officials, and the general population. Positive changes occurred as long as the issue was given a low political and institutional profile. The analysis of policy-making and programme implementation in these three areas reveals that: (1) Weaknesses in national institutional frameworks concerning reproductive health made it possible for governments to adopt two very different (even contradictory) approaches to the issue within the past 15 years; (2) Policies were presented as rights-based in order to garner political legitimacy when, in fact, they evidenced a clear disregard for the rights of individual citizens; and (3) By favouring low-profile "public health" discourses, and marginalising "the sexual" in official policies related to sexuality, advocacy groups sometimes created opportunities for legal changes but failed to challenge conservative powers opposing the recognition of sexual and reproductive rights and the full citizenship of women and sexual minorities. (author's)
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  5. 5

    Is it all in a word? The effect of issue framing on public support for U.S. spending on HIV / AIDS in developing countries.

    Bleich S

    Harvard International Journal of Press / Politics. 2007; 12(2):120-132.

    The frequency of government foreign aid decisions influenced by pubic opinion has risen dramatically in the past few years. This study looks at the effect of issue framing on support for U.S. spending on HIV/AIDS in developing countries-specifically, at how support changes when the phrase foreign aid is included or omitted from a survey question. Analyses reveal a significant effect of issue framing for women and Democrats. Omitting the phrase foreign aid is associated with increased support for U.S. spending among Democrats and decreased support among women. Regardless of issue framing, blacks, Hispanics, and more educated individuals support U.S. spending on HIV/AIDS in developing countries. However, when forced to decide between funds' going overseas for HIV/AIDS in developing countries or remaining in the United States, all respondents overwhelmingly support monies' being used in the United States. (author's)
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  6. 6
    Peer Reviewed

    Development of a brief scale to measure AIDS-related stigma in South Africa.

    Kalichman SC; Simbayi LC; Jooste S; Toefy Y; Cain D

    AIDS and Behavior. 2005 Jun; 9(2):135-143.

    Although there has been progress in AIDS stigma research, there are no multi-item AIDS stigma scales that have been shown reliable and valid in Africa. The current research reports the development of the nine-item AIDS-Related Stigma Scale. Research conducted in five South African communities (N = 2306) found the scale internally consistent, a = 0.75 and time stable over 3 months, r = 0.67. The scale was also reliable in three different languages (English, Xhosa, and Afrikaans). Correlations showed that the AIDS-Related Stigma Scale was moderately inversely correlated with years of education and AIDS knowledge. In addition, individuals who stated that HIV positive persons should conceal their HIV status had higher AIDS-Related Stigma Scale scores. Also supporting the scale’s construct validity, individuals who refused to report whether they had been tested for HIV scored higher on the AIDS-Related Stigma Scale. (author's)
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  7. 7

    Examining HIV / AIDS in Southern Africa through the eyes of ordinary Southern Africans.

    Whiteside A; Mattes R; Willan S; Manning R

    Cape Town, South Africa, Institute for Democracy in South Africa [IDASA], Afrobarometer, 2002 Aug. [36] p. (Afrobarometer Paper No. 21)

    This paper marries public opinion survey data from the Afrobarometer with epidemiological data about the HIV/AIDS epidemic in seven Southern African countries. We use this data to examine the degree to which people are aware of the pandemic, and are willing to speak about it. We also use it to examine whether it yields any palpable consequences of the disease in terms of public health. In turn, we also ask whether data on public awareness of AIDS deaths and individual health status corroborate, broadly, existing epidemiological data on HIV/AIDS. Finally, we examine the degree to which HIV/AIDS affects southern Africans’ political priorities, political participation, and expectations for government action. Substantively, we find that nationally representative survey data supports the epidemiological data in many ways, providing an independent corroboration of expected levels of AIDS illness and death across the region. The epidemiological data tell us that people in all seven of these countries are growing ill and dying from AIDS in large numbers. The Afrobarometer surveys tell us that large numbers of the people, in all seven countries, say they know someone who has died of AIDS and are willing to speak about it. Epidemiological estimates of AIDS deaths and popular experiences of AIDS deaths are closely correlated. Many people in these countries tell us that they are frequently ill, although the data do not disclose the nature of their illness. Epidemiological estimates of AIDS illnesses closely mirror the frequency with which people tell us that they are seriously ill. In political terms, the Afrobarometer tells us some surprising things. Even where HIV/AIDS has reached severe levels and people are dying in large and rising numbers, and even where people recognise those deaths as the result of HIV infection, very few of them place HIV/AIDS high on the agenda for government intervention. Rather, the epidemic is superseded in most countries by demands for government action to create jobs, expand the economy, and improve crime and security, or is masked by demands for overall improvements in health-related services. Perhaps Southern Africans perceive HIV/AIDS as a problem for families and communities, and not for governments. Or perhaps – and perhaps more likely – they are engaging in rational prioritisation. Faced with grinding poverty and widespread unemployment, people may be more concerned with getting a chance to earn an income, feed their families, protect themselves from crime and insecurity, and obtain basic health care, than with being saved from a largely invisible killer. (author's)
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  8. 8
    Peer Reviewed

    HIV / AIDS risk perception, attitudes and sexual behaviour in Portugal.

    Amaro F; Frazão C; Pereira ME; da Cunha Teles L

    International Journal of STD and AIDS. 2004 Jan; 15(1):56-60.

    One thousand individuals in the age group 18± 69 were selected for a multistage nationwide random sample. Of the interviewees 68.3% were of the opinion that the risk of AIDS, in Portugal, is considerably high and 37.1% stated that they had feared being infected by the HIV; 28.0% established a connection between being afraid and the fact that AIDS is a serious/incurable disease; 31.5% believed that there are risks inherent to the health services; only 7.8% expressed fear of AIDS because of an infected partner. Only 42.6% regarded extra-marital sexual relations as either partially or totally acceptable. Sexual relations between youths were seen as totally acceptable by 11.9% and partially acceptable by 51.1%. Homosexual relations between men were seen as either totally or partially acceptable by 38%. Of the interviewees, 7.8% thought that recent treatments can definitely cure AIDS and 6.5% believed that with recent treatments HIV transmission would no longer be possible. (author's)
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  9. 9

    Time to tackle stigma.

    International HIV / AIDS Alliance

    Alliance News. 2001 Dec; (12):[3] p..

    Increasing attention is being paid to the role of stigma as a major contributory factor in the global HIV/AIDS pandemic. Stigma associated with HIV/AIDS is especially powerful and pervasive because the disease is usually closely associated with such fundamental issues as life and death, sex and sexuality, and morality. (excerpt)
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  10. 10

    The U.S. International AIDS Policy.

    Miller N

    AIDS and Society. 1991 Jan-Feb; 2(2):4.

    In fact, an integrated policy has not occurred for one basic reason: in the United States, public policy follows public opinion, and public opinion is driven at least in part by media exposure. The issue of AIDS has been seen as a domestic tragedy that has beset homosexuals and I.V. drug users. Only as AIDS has begun to affect new-born children, adolescents and heterosexuals, and only as the cost of AIDS has exploded, has broad concern crystalized. Even so, international AIDS is removed from the consciousness of most Americans. It can be argued that only when television coverage of third world suffering children and sick and dying mothers reaches the living rooms of America will an integrated strategy emerge. (excerpt)
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  11. 11

    New international inventory on knowledge, attitude, behaviour, and practices.

    World Health Organization [WHO]. Global Programme on AIDS. Social and Behavioural Research Unit

    [Geneva, Switzerland], WHO, Global Programme on AIDS, Social and Behavioral Research Unit, [1990]. [4] p. (WHO File: Data on Social Issues; Report No. 2)

    The Social and Behavioural Research Unit has prepared its second international inventory of Knowledge, Attitude, Behaviour, and Practices surveys. The report reviews 80 projects drawing upon both published and unpublished materials dealing with 7 major study groups: adolescents and young people, the general public, health care workers, homosexual/bisexual men, drug injectors, prostitutes, and other groups. For each of these the inventory classifies the project concerned by selected key features such as when and where it was undertaken, sampling strategy used, and methodology and conclusions. (excerpt)
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  12. 12

    Higher public tolerance toward AIDS.

    China Population Today. 2001 Dec; 18(6):11.

    As AIDS take its toll in China, public awareness of AIDS is increasing and attitude toward AIDS is becoming more tolerant. Officials with the Beijing Public Health Bureau announced that the number of HIV carriers now reaches 2/10,000 people. The city has a permanent population of over 10 million. A recent survey of 200 households in Beijing found that 57% of those polled said they would understand and care for AIDS patients regardless of the cause; 44% were sympathetic; 39% indicated, however, that they would be discriminatory in dealing with AIDS patients: those who contracted the disease because of sexual immorality do not deserve care, while those who did so through blood transfusion deserve more understanding and attention. The same survey also found that the 97% of Beijingers said society at large should pay attention to AIDS; 86% of those surveyed were aware that December 1 is the international AIDS Day; and 70% of Beijingers follow closely AIDS reports. Regarding causes for AIDS, 42% of those polled attributed AIDS contraction to a lack of knowledge of self- protection, 36% to a lack of awareness of self-protection, and others to a degradation of morals. 70% of respondents believed that publicity could enhance public awareness of self-protection, thereby reducing the likelihood of contracting AIDS. Interestingly enough, 90% of those polled said they were not afraid of AIDS, believing that it is easy to prevent the disease. In particular, 54% believed that so long as they abstain from sexual promiscuity, they will not catch AIDS; another 36% believed that AIDS could be prevented if they were armed with an adequate knowledge of self-protection and take precautions. (full text)
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  13. 13

    AIDS, medicine, and moral panic in the Philippines.

    Tan ML

    In: Framing the sexual subject: the politics of gender, sexuality, and power, edited by Richard Parker, Regina Maria Barbosa, and Peter Aggleton. Berkeley, California, University of California Press, 2000. 143-64.

    This paper describes the popular representations of sex and sexuality in relation to the emerging AIDS epidemic in the Philippines. The author analyzes the sexual and class ideologies reflected in broadsheets, which are large circulation daily newspapers that cater mainly to middle- and high-income groups. This paper also describes ways in which information campaigns become part of moral panic. It notes that the medical world itself creates the conditions for this moral panic, and that the moral panic draws on a medical police model.
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  14. 14

    Public opinion on epidemic booms as World AIDS Day dawns.

    Henry J. Kaiser Family Foundation

    KAISER DAILY HIV / AIDS REPORT. 2000 Dec 1; 6 p..

    In honor of World AIDS Day, world leaders, organizations, columnists and others are filling the international media with commentary, editorials and statements. This paper presents a sample of what some members of the international media are saying. In terms of statements, the messages of US President Bill Clinton, UN Secretary General Kofi Annan, South African President Nelson Mandela, House Minority Leader Richard Gephardt, the World Federation of Public Health Associations, Chris Labonte of the Human Rights Campaign, and May Rihani of the Academy for Educational Development are included. In general, these statements called for improvements of efforts addressing the HIV/AIDS pandemic. Other articles incorporated in this paper are from the Boston Globe, Washington Post, South Florida Sun-Sentinel, Bakersfield Californian, Reuters, USA Today, Philadelphia Inquirer, Los Angeles Times, and the New York Times.
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  15. 15

    What blame can teach us about sexual health promotion.

    McGlynn C

    NURSING TIMES.. 1998 Oct 28-Nov 3; 94(43):52-3.

    While references to sexually transmitted infections (STIs) can be found back as far as biblical times, women have traditionally taken most of the blame for the spread of such diseases. There is no evidence to suggest that men were blamed or stigmatized in the same way as women until the panic over AIDS in the 1980s shifted some of the blame to groups such as gay and bisexual men, IV drug users, and Africans. Throughout history, heterosexual men have escaped blame for STIs. Maybe it is this latter population subgroup which should be targeted in future sexual health promotion programs. This paper reviews the history of blame for STIs dating from the book of Leviticus, in which men with urethral discharge are urged to wash after copulation, to female prostitutes during the past 400 years, and recent groups with the advent of HIV/AIDS.
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  16. 16

    Complacency destroying battle against AIDS.

    AIDS WEEKLY PLUS. 1999 Jul 12-19; 7.

    AIDS-related mortality has declined significantly since the mid-1990s, although the rate of new infections has remained steady. While recent data indicate that fewer teenagers are having sex and more are using condoms, 20% of AIDS cases in Massachusetts are young adults who were probably infected as teens. There is now a rebirth of denial and considerable complacency about the reality of the HIV/AIDS pandemic. Part of that complacency stems from the development and use of protease inhibitors since 1996, a class of drugs capable of extending the lives of people infected with HIV. The initial success rates of these drugs have led many people to believe that AIDS is no longer life-threatening, but rather manageable over the long term. However, these drugs are complex and there is much misinformation about their success rates. The effectiveness of protease inhibitors has been short-lived in many patients, and sometimes ineffective in people who could not adhere to the strict drug regimen. Thousands of people participated in AIDS Action Committee's 14th annual AIDS Walk to raise awareness and pay tribute to those who have been affected by the disease.
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  17. 17
    Peer Reviewed

    Homosexual demography: implications for the spread of AIDS.

    Hewitt C

    JOURNAL OF SEX RESEARCH. 1998 Nov; 35(4):390-6.

    Using both national surveys and surveys of self-identified gay men in the United States, the numbers, age distribution, life expectancy, and marital status of men who have sex with men is examined. It is concluded that five types can be distinguished.... These five categories have different patterns of sexual behavior, and the numbers in each category are influenced by changing social conditions, in particular the growth of gay neighborhoods, and public tolerance. The typology is used to explain the low rate of reported HIV transmission from bisexual men to their female partners. (EXCERPT)
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  18. 18

    The bankruptcy of the models: myths and realities of AIDS in Brazil.

    Daniel H

    In: Sexuality, politics and AIDS in Brazil: in another world?, [by] Herbert Daniel and Richard Parker. London, England, Falmer Press, 1993. 33-47. (Social Aspects of AIDS)

    Physicians, scientists, journalists, and politicians announced the coming of AIDS to Brazil long before its arrival. Indeed, the Brazilian press carried important pieces on the subject since 1982. The press fueled most of the public debate on HIV/AIDS, playing up the more striking and enigmatic side of the epidemic. AIDS was depicted as a mystery, something beyond the technological capacity of the modern world, with death as its most distinguishing feature. Brazil had its first public case of AIDS in 1983, followed by a torrent of press on what was referred to as a gay cancer or gay plague. None of the media attention and related debate, however, resulted in the taking of preventive measures. The author argues that an inappropriate ideological model was adopted early in the epidemic which has guided Brazil's responses up to the present. The author discusses the features of that model. The main characteristic of the predominant model of AIDS generated in Brazil is that AIDS is a disease of gay men or the very poor, but definitely a disease of others.
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  19. 19

    Power and community: organizational and cultural responses to AIDS.

    Altman D

    London, England, Taylor and Francis, 1994. viii, 179 p. (Social Aspects of AIDS)

    Community involvement in the human immunodeficiency virus (HIV)/acquired immunodeficiency syndrome (AIDS) epidemic has been central to helping to create the social, political, and cultural response to HIV/AIDS. At this point, no government or international agency HIV/AIDS program can be effective if it does not cooperate with and support grassroots responses. Moreover, the AIDS epidemic has been a powerful impetus to grassroots organizations of groups that have been marginalized as a result of gender, sexual orientation, race, or poverty. On the other hand, the emerging global AIDS industry has the potential to subvert traditional power structures and become isolated from those it claims to serve. Community groups can be co-opted into carrying out the agenda of this "industry" or they can continue to be subversive of the dominant social order. The central challenge facing the community movement is how to strengthen its political effectiveness without compromising its basis in grassroots participation and control. Of concern are emerging tensions within community-based organizations between activism and service provision, altruism and self-help, volunteer participation and management control, and fluidity of function and increasing bureaucratization. Another concern is the potential for effective community and nongovernmental organization-sponsored programs to take the pressure off of governments to provide or reform essential health services. Direct community sector involvement in the policy making process represents the best strategy for ensuring that national AIDS policies are responsive to those most affected by the epidemic.
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  20. 20
    Peer Reviewed

    Patients sue "AIDS-cure" Kenyan scientist.

    Dodd R

    Lancet. 1996 Jun 15; 347(9016):1688.

    Professor Arthur Obel, a Kenyan scientist who claims to have found the cure for acquired immunodeficiency syndrome (AIDS), through treatment with either of two drugs (Kemron and Pearl Omega) is being sued by patients upon whom Kemron was tested, and Pearl Omega has been banned by the Kenyan Ministry of Health. The backlog of cases in the Kenyan judicial system will allow Obel to avoid answering questions about Kemron, which was launched as an AIDS cure in 1993, while the case is coming to court. Obel then announced in a book, which was published in March, that Pearl Omega had converted the positive serostatus for human immunodeficiency virus (HIV) of seven patients. The Kenyan government had initially supported further clinical trials of Pearl Omega, which was announced to parliament by Assistant Health Minister Basil Criticos on April 24. A week later, Health Minister Joshua Angatia denounced Pearl Omega as an herbal concoction and stated that Obel had "bent the rules." Philip Mbithi, an old schoolfriend of Obel and former Chief Secretary in the Office of the President, is thought to have secured extensive research funds for Obel, who had compared himself to historical figures who had made important discoveries that were initially greeted with skepticism. Obel's reputation with the public is far from discredited. He was cheered during a lecture at Kenyatta University in Nairobi when he offered to donate Pearl Omega to the campus; in the same talk, he said that condoms imported from Europe were infected with HIV, a statement the government has yet to condemn.
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  21. 21

    Child-abusers face mob justice.

    Sebunya C

    AIDS ANALYSIS AFRICA. 1996 Jun; 6(3):15.

    In Uganda, before the acquired immunodeficiency syndrome (AIDS) epidemic, rape or sexual abuse of children was not considered a serious offense by the public, although the maximum criminal offense for rape was death. Because so many young girls are testing positive for human immunodeficiency virus (HIV), and due to the efforts of women's groups, public opinion is changing. According to the United Nations International Children's Fund (UNICEF), girls aged 9-15 years are five times more likely to be infected with HIV than boys of the same age. Adults, who fear their peers may be infected with HIV, turn to children; some AIDS patients believe sleeping with a virgin girl will cure their illness. Uganda is targeting a $15 million project to protect children 5-15 years of age. A study commissioned by the Uganda National Council for Women and Children in 1994 found that in Kabale district 31% of girls and 15% of boys had been abused, many by teachers. In Masaka district, the Council found that 30% of women had been coerced into sex; bosses abuse their maids, and customers abuse alcohol sellers. According to police, rape is the second most common crime in Uganda. Victims are reluctant to come forward to testify; rape victims can be shunned in their communities and may be considered ineligible for marriage. Cases which make it to court rarely get a fair hearing, according to the Council of Women, because the men handling the cases often favor the culprits. FIDA, an association of women lawyers, Action for Development (ACFODE), and the National Association of Women's Organisations in Uganda (NAWOU) are lobbying for tougher laws on rape and closed courts. They are pressuring newspapers to not disclose the names of victims. Although many expect the Ministry of Women to take the lead in this area, it has been unable to do so, because of a lack of funds; it received two-thirds of its budget for 1994-95, an indication, perhaps, of the Ugandan government's intentions. Two figures are shown; one concerns the relation of abuser to child, while the other concerns the action taken on abuse cases.
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  22. 22

    KABP inventory and findings: report number 1.

    World Health Organization [WHO]. Global Programme on AIDS. Social and Behavioural Research Unit

    [Unpublished] [1989]. [3], 25 p.

    The World Health Organization's Global Programme on AIDS has put together this inventory and review of AIDS-related knowledge, attitudes, beliefs, and risk behaviors (KABP) to provide updated information on research findings to researchers, IEC (information, education, and communication) planners, and national AIDS prevention and control staff. The studies in this inventory were all published between January 1, 1989 and March 1, 1989. Each of the inventory's six parts addresses a specific population group: adolescents and young people, the general public, health care workers, homosexual/bisexual population, intravenous drug users, and prostitutes (both male and female). In those cases where a published study has information on more than one of the groups, the inventory includes that study in each of the appropriate sections. In each section, the studies are in chronological order, according to the date the study was conducted. The first column lists the complete bibliographic reference to allow the reader to refer to the original publication. A code has been assigned to the first column for each study to designate what primary type of study it is. These codes denote a KABP study (or at least one of the elements), a study focusing on sexual practices, a methodological study, an epidemiological study, a counseling study, a health promotion study, and a qualitative study. The second column lists the date of the study. The third column provides the site of the study. Most of the sites are in the US. Other sites are in both developed and developing countries. The fourth and fifth columns list the population studied and the size of the sample, respectively. The method of data collection is revealed in the sixth column. The methods are interview, telephone interview, questionnaire, and medical (physical or laboratory examination). The last column provides a brief summary of the major findings.
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  23. 23

    Response of people with HIV and AIDS to representations of themselves.

    Busse P

    AIDS BULLETIN. 1995 Jul; 4(1):22-3.

    People who are infected with HIV or have AIDS know that AIDS is not just a neutral label for a disease caused by a virus. They know through personal experience that people's perception and understanding of AIDS are built from many different images drawn from varying sources. People's understanding of AIDS is shaped by words and language and through visual images or representations. The author discusses the understanding that people have of AIDS, where it comes from, and how it impacts upon people with AIDS and informs their self-image. The media, the medical profession and health care setting, initial designation of AIDS as a gay plague, and inadequate, sanitized education have all shaped public knowledge, beliefs, and opinions about HIV, AIDS, and those who are infected. No real distinction has been made in the media between HIV and AIDS, and inflammatory phrases are common, with the apparent intention to frighten rather than educate. The fear generated about AIDS has been greatly disproportionate to the risk of contracting the disease. The blame around HIV has had extremely negative consequences such as the curtailment of personal freedoms, discrimination, and ostracism. The medical profession and health care setting through the use of full barrier procedures, refusing to treat people with AIDS, isolating AIDS patients, testing without consent or counseling, and breaching confidentiality have also done considerable harm to individuals with HIV and to society in general. The author stresses the need to depict people with AIDS positively. People live with HIV and AIDS, and must be empowered to work and function.
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  24. 24

    Empathic journalism (for AIDS).

    Abar AZ


    Those who are responsible for the mass media coverage of the HIV/AIDS epidemic must make an extra effort to thoroughly understand the problems such reporting entails. In order to achieve this goal, a new type of emphatic journalism is developing in which a journalist or editor puts himself in the place of a person with HIV/AIDS, an information activist, or an "opposition fighter," depending upon which issues of the epidemic are addressed. HIV/AIDS requires serious journalism because the epidemic poses very broad social and cultural problems and because the disease has created conflicts by crossing age, sex, race, and political borders. The new emphatic journalism will direct attention to fighting against the disease in order to save humankind.
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  25. 25

    Reporting AIDS in Kenya: a personal report. Guidelines for journalists have been issued in the UK. What about Africa?

    Hanssen N

    AIDS ANALYSIS AFRICA. 1993 Nov-Dec; 3(6):1.

    A Norwegian journalist reports on his experiences covering the acquired immunodeficiency syndrome (AIDS) epidemic in Kenya. Denial by the government has resulted in reduced figures. President Daniel Arap Moi refuses to admit that the epidemic has become national in scope. The public broadcasting services carry little information about the epidemic. A study indicating that 25/1700 prostitutes in Nairobi were positive for human immunodeficiency virus (HIV) has been met with skepticism by the public, who question the survey (what was the relationship between researchers and prostitutes, were the prostitutes paid to risk their lives, why was the study carried out in Africa). Some believe the 25 positive women are 'immune' because of a similar gene pattern. There are 750,000 HIV positive adults and 30,000 AIDS cases in Kenya, including a large number of cases among street urchins. Most AIDS cases are sent home to die because of the short supply of hospital beds (45,000). One of these was Ruth Kasuki, a 36-year-old mother of three and AIDS educator and counselor in Kenya, who is now deceased. In an interview conducted shortly before her death, she criticizes the government for its denial and predicts disastrous results. Ms. Kasuki also blamed the extramarital affairs of men for the spread of AIDS among Kenyan women. 8% of women receiving antenatal care are estimated to have HIV; in Nyanza Coast and Nairobi the estimate reaches 12%. Ms. Kasuki also cited the negative attitude of the clergy.
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