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Israel Affairs. 2005 Jan; 11(1):117-136.Analysis of the integration of immigrants from the FSU is complicated from both theoretical and empirical points of view. First, Israel is at a turning point. The current wave of immigration began at a time when the country was undergoing change. Israeli society is less collectivist and more individualistic than in previous decades, less Zionist, less idealistic and more pragmatic. The economy is less rigidly structured. In other words Israel has become socially, culturally and economically diverse. As a result there are more communities and more identities within the territorial and political entity. Second, most paradigms for the integration of immigrants deal with immigrants moving from non-developed countries to developed countries. In contrast, the case of Russian immigration to Israel is in a sense a Brain Drain of educated people from Russia. Third, in most immigration countries the immigrants are a small minority. In Israel Russian immigrants make up 20 per cent of the population. Three factors account for the integration of Russian immigrants in Israeli society: policies, climate of opinion and the immigrants' ability to organize themselves. Analysis of the interplay between the three factors reveals that the different factors are pushing in different directions. The official policies encourage assimilation. The climate of opinion, especially in some sectors of the Israeli society, creates among many immigrants the feeling that they are not welcomed by Israeli society, and the ability of the community to organize itself is pushing, sometimes, towards segregation of the community. The main conclusion of this article is that it is impossible to identify models of integration. We have to try to identify scripts which are more fluid than models. There are four main scripts of integration of Russian immigrants: Assimilation Script, Separation Script, Transnational Script and Hybridity Script. None of these scripts is dominant; they can coexist with one another. (author's)
Reproductive Health Matters. 2004; 12 Suppl 24:157-166.Discourse on abortion rights inevitably centres on the fetus, and is often framed around the dichotomy of ''pro-life'' vs. ''pro-choice'' positions. This dichotomy is not, however, the only framework to discuss abortion; concerns about the fetus have found varied expression in theological, legal and medical constructs. This article examines discourses on the fetus from the Philippines, Iran and the United States, to show how complex they can be. It examines laws punishing abortion compared to laws punishing the murder of children, and also looks at the effects of ultrasound, amniocentesis and stem cell research on anti-abortion discourse. Although the fetus figures prominently in much legal discourse, it actually figures less prominently in popular discourse, at least in the English and Philippine languages, where terms like ''child'' and ''baby'' are used far more often. Finally, the article highlights the need to examine the experiences and narratives of women who have had abortions, and the implications for public policies and advocacy. It is important to expose the way anti-abortion groups manipulate popular culture and women's experience, driving home their messages through fear and guilt, and to show that pregnant women often decide on abortion in order to defend their family's right to survive. (author's)
[Toward a new international penal law: some general reflections at the end of the century] Vers un nouveau droit international pénal: quelques réflexions générales à la fin du siècle.
In: La protection des droits de l'Homme entre la législation interne et le droit international. Actes du colloque organisé par le Centre de Recherches sur la Coopération Internationale pour le Développement de la Faculté de Droit de Marrakech avec le concours de la Fondation Hanns-Seidel, les 21 et 22 janvier 2000. Rabat, Morocco, Revue Marocaine d'Administration Locale et de Developpement, 2001. 33-56. (Thèmes Actuels No. 26)In classic international law, since the individual is separated from the international sphere by the legal fiction of the State, while international law at the dawn of the twenty-first century no longer governs only co-existence among States or the pursuit of their common goals, but also collective interests proper to the international community as a whole, the protection of human rights today is no longer part of the domain reserved to States. At the present time, we find that the individual is the subject of rights and the State is the subject of new duty, namely the respect of human rights. It is possible to identify, through the practice of diplomacy and international jurisprudence, a few general rules, divided into those relating to substance and those relating to procedure. Among the rules relating to substance, it is possible to identify the principles of sovereignty and cooperation, the elementary rules of humaneness and the rule of individual criminal liability. In the area of international sanction mechanisms in international law, the first image we see is that of the courts of Nuremberg and Tokyo. The classic approach to the sanctioning of individuals has really changed only since the end of the 1980's. These sanctions had long been in the hands of the State. In all cases, at least on the normative level, they left in their hands the obligation to obey and to enforce international criminal law, which at the present time is conveyed, among other ways, through the action of international tribunals, bilateral cooperation through international criminal judiciary assistance and multilateral cooperation. Several humanitarian tragedies, such as those in the former Yugoslavia, Iraq and Rwanda, have called into question the effectiveness of these new enforcement and sanction procedures; however the participation of public opinion and non-governmental organizations (NGO's), the political and judicial action of the United Nations have reinforced it.
New York Times on the Web. 2002 May 1;  p..The Arab world has been experiencing massive street demonstrations in recent months. The question is, how will they survive? What many are doing to survive is to slow down whatever modernization, globalization or democratization initiatives they were either pursuing or contemplating and to focus on the old agenda of the Arab-Israeli conflict. It is noted that the biggest victims of the West Bank war will be Arab liberals--as fledging democratic experiments are postponed, foreign investment reduced, security services given more leeway to crack down all public discussion dominated by the Palestine issue. But keeping the public and politicians focused on modernization is not easy. Hence, Microsoft signaled its intent to invest US$2 million in a creative Jordanian software firm. The cabinet amended the laws by fiat, but was hoping a new Parliament would ratify them.
Islamic precepts and family planning: the perceptions of Jordanian religious leaders and their constituents.
International Family Planning Perspectives. 2000 Sep; 26(3):110-7, 136.Two nationally representative surveys, one of 1000 married women aged 15-49 and the other of 1000 men married to women aged 15-49, and a census of all Muslim religious leaders in Jordan collected information on knowledge, attitudes and beliefs regarding family planning, and sources of information about it. 80% of men, 86% of women, 82% of male religious leaders and 98% of female religious leaders believe that family planning is in keeping with the tenets of Islam. Among religious leaders, 36% reported that they had preached about family planning in the year preceding the survey. 75% of women and 62% of men in the general public said that they had spoken about family planning with their spouse, and 9% and 17%, respectively, reported having spoken with a religious leader. On a scale of 0-10 measuring agreement with statements regarding the benefits of family planning (with 10 being in complete agreement), women averaged 9.4 and men 8.8, while male religious leaders averaged 6.5 and female religious leaders 7.2. Among the general public, 74% of women and 58% of men said that deciding to practice contraception is a joint decision between husband and wife. About 90% of religious leaders agreed or agreed strongly with the statement that contraceptive decisions should be made jointly by husband and wife. Women were significantly more likely than men to believe that specific contraceptive methods are permitted under Islam, and male religious leaders were more likely than were men in the general population to find specific methods acceptable. Only 26% of men cited interpersonal communication as a source of family planning information, compared with 66% of women, 73% of male religious leaders and 89% of female religious leaders. Almost three-quarters of men and women said they want to know more about family planning. Although Islamic religious leaders in Jordan cite different reasons than the general public to justify the use of contraceptives, they are as likely as others in the population to approve of family planning. (author's, modified)
LINKS. 1999 Mar; 3-4.A case study showing the attitudes and actions reinforcing discrimination against women's rights in Lebanon is presented. The study illustrates the way in which the public s views and the interests of families and local dignitaries can manipulate opinions. Organizations aimed at protecting women's rights have found strength in working together. The Lebanese League, an organization comprised of 17 women's and human rights associations, has established a center and a telephone hotline to encourage abused women to disclose and discuss their situation. The center provides support in the form of legal, psychological and medical assistance. Another organization working with the Lebanese League towards the same vision is the Lebanese Physically Handicapped Union. Efforts to lobby around a Lebanese legislation discriminating against women so far had no success, but all organizations involved are aware of the need to work through a range of interventions, and to take a long-term view, before they can count on any success.
AVSC NEWS. 1998 Spring; 36(1):3, 8.With the average woman in Jordan bearing 4-5 children during her reproductive lifetime, Jordan's population is growing rapidly. Many contraceptive methods are available through Jordan's well-developed health care system, but the public is aware of only a few, and misinformation is common. The government of Jordan launched a study, sponsored by AVSC and Family Health International (FHI), to determine the feasibility of introducing Norplant implants and Depo-Provera, in an effort to increase the choice, knowledge, availability, and use of contraceptive methods. More than 300 clients who received Norplant implant or Depo-Provera services at three health care facilities in Amman were followed. Many of the women chose either of these two methods because of their desire to delay pregnancy for a long time, often 5 years or more. Most cited length of protection, ease of use, dissatisfaction with previously used methods, and fewer perceived side effects than other methods as reasons for choosing either Norplant or Depo-Provera. The quality of counseling varied among the three facilities. At the end of 6 months follow-up, about 80% of the Norplant users and one-third of the Depo-Provera users reported being very satisfied with the method and planned to continue using it. However, although most clients experienced at least one side effect during the first 6 months of use, such effects were cited as the main reason for method discontinuation. Discontinuation of Depo-Provera was also influenced by popular attitudes and outside decision-makers such as health care providers, counselors, husbands, and other family members. Study results were presented at a workshop held in Amman in fall 1997.
[To move or to stay: arguments about migration in Raqqa Province, North Syria] Att rora pa sig och att rota sig: migrationsdebatter i Raqqaprovinsen i norra Syrien.
YMER. 1997; 116:68-81.The author renders a description of opinions and debates among the local population about migration to and from provincial towns and villages in Raqqa Province, North Syria. Developments and changes in these debates are described and seen in relation to the political and economic trends in Syria as a whole. Especially, the author describes the influence on the region of a major irrigation project on the upper Euphrates, which has led to much in- and out-migration since the mid 1970s. The article is based on interviews since the late 1970s with the local population. An overview of population movements in the province from the thirteenth century until today is also provided.
JOURNAL OF COMMUNITY HEALTH. 1994 Apr; 19(2):115-23.Attitudes of 880 pregnant women attending prenatal clinics at 75 primary health care centers in Al-Baha region of Saudi Arabia were assessed to determine their opinions on maternity services. The study population was predominately aged 18-30 years (62.3%), and 70% were illiterates. 54% were multiparous, and 40% had delivered at home for their prior pregnancy. 15.8% had experienced previous obstetric complications, and 12% experienced complications during delivery. There were significant correlations between place of previous delivery and age, education, and parity of the mother. Increased level of education was related to a higher proportion experiencing hospital delivery. Low parity women had a higher proportion of hospital deliveries. 92.6% believed that prenatal care was important, and 91.3% desired prenatal care services in primary care centers. 49.9% of women desiring prenatal care in primary care centers gave the reason as closeness to home. 47.2% did not desire delivery at a primary care center because the centers were considered poor facilities which lacked privacy and did not have specialists or female doctors or midwives available. 74.1% considered 5-10 prenatal visits appropriate. 8.6% desired less than 5 visits, and 15.3% recommended 10 or more visits. 81.0% kept prenatal care appointments. 79.5% of the women who missed appointments reporting doing so because their spouse could not accompany them or because of distance to the centers. 70% had previously used prenatal care services at primary care centers; 10.9% rated services as poor. Higher recommendations for prenatal care visits were found among younger mothers and lower parity women. More prenatal visits were also associated with previous delivery at health centers.
Journal of Communication. 1985 Spring; 35(2):69-81.Diaspora Jewry is being diminished in numbers by intermarriage, assimilation, and a low birth rate. In Israel, the establishment has strongly pronatalist convictions and tends to see family planning as synonymous with promotion of the use of contraception to limit births. In 1978 and 1979, a series of programs entitled "It's Not A Children's Game" was broadcast on Israel's state-owned radio broadcasting system. The motto of the series was "to help families have as many children as they want, when they want them." Its goals were to give the public basic information about services and about various means of contraception or of fertility improvement. The letters to the radio station in response to these programs are analyzed in this study. Based on the form and content of the letters, one is able to derive information about the marital status, sex, residence, and religious observance of the letter writers and to classify them as primarily help-seekers or opinion-givers. Help-seeking letters were usually very clear and direct in their requests for help. The opinion-giving letters ranged from strongly negative to strongly positive about the program and the theme of family planning. These letters can provide insights about the specific group of people who sought information or help outside of their immediate surroundings. Thus, an analysis of the written responses to a radio series on family planning suggests that radio can offer a nonthreatening way to disseminate information on sensitive and controversial social issues, and that it is possible to tentatively identify subgroups with special needs.
London, International Planned Parenthood Federation, March 1973. Family Planning Reviews. No. 1. 40 pThe report discusses general trends in relationships between governments and voluntary family planning associations and the specifics relevant to particular nations. At the beginning of 1973, 109 nongovernmental family planning associations existed and 40 governments carried out official programs. In many nations governmental participation occurs even without an official policy. Some governments provide family planning arrangements within the regular public health network. In some cases the government assists private efforts with funding, facilities, or doctors' time. A combination of approaches is typical. As government takes on more responsibilities, private associations often relinquish their service roles and expand their educational and motivational activities. In the future, government involvement and interest in family planning should increase. Charts summarize the international situation in government/voluntary family planning association relationships.