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In: Abortion politics in the United States and Canada: studies in public opinion, edited by Ted G. Jelen and Marthe A. Chandler. Westport, Connecticut, Praeger, 1994. 131-43.Differences in the political cultures of Canada and the US are reflected in the analysis of opinions on abortion law based on religious, attitudinal, and demographic factors. In general, individualism and religion have different manifestations in Canada versus the US, and country similarities obscure important cultural differences. Religious differences include the more religious affiliation in the US than in Canada or other industrialized countries, the greater religious practice and presence of US Protestant fundamentalism, and the strong tradition of the separation of church and state. Abortion laws are similar in invalidating acts of the legislature in the national Supreme Courts that limited access to abortion. However, in the US, the Roe decision established "rights" to legal abortion. In Canada, the Morgenthaler decision invalidated a section of Offenses Against the Person and did not outrule the possibility of future anti-abortion legislation. The US decision in Webster also established that the legislatures operate within judicially imposed limits. Data were obtained from the 1988 US National Election Study and the 1988 Canadian National Election Study. A variety of independent variables was used to explain attitudes toward abortion law: Catholicism and evangelical Protestantism, views of the Bible, frequency of church attendance, and the subjective importance of religion. Other variables pertained to the role of women in society (feminism and the role of women in business) and explanatory variables (education, gender, marital status, labor force participation, income, age, and parental status). Canadians supported abortion slightly more than US citizens (2.35 versus 2.25 on an index score). Demographic factors explained very little of the abortion attitudes in either country. Religious variables had the best explanatory power. Catholicism was related to opposition to legal abortion in the US, and evangelical Protestantism was related to legal abortion in Canada. Church attendance had a stronger effect in Canada, and biblical view and religious importance was stronger in the US. Religious variables in the US were weaker but more widespread. The individualism of US political culture and mistrust of government mediated the effect of religion. In the regional analysis, religion in the US acted as a point of criticism, while in Canada it acted as legitimation.
Madison, Wisconsin, University of Wisconsin-Madison, Center for Demography and Ecology, 1987. 13,  p. (CDE Working Paper 87-14.)The rise in the number of immigrants since 1960, and especially in the higher shares from less developed countries, has raised concerns that immigrants use welfare benefits more than natives. Both descriptive tabulations and TOBIT regression methods, are used to analyze immigrant-native differentials in public assistance receipt based on 1980 US Census data. Office of Legal Services results show that immigrants received neither more nor less welfare income in 1979 than did otherwise comparable natives. TOBIT models revealed that black and Hispanic immigrant families received lower welfare payments than their native counterparts. (author's)
Demography. Feb 1974; 11(1):25-44.A share of the recent decline in birth expectations of young American wives may be due to the historically unique stimulus of intense public attention to population growth and family size. Data on whites from numerous national surveys provide at least four types of evidence favoring this thesis: a sudden massing of responses in the two-child category (the ZPG formula); a tolerance for the large family; an aversion to childlessness and the one-child family; and an inconsistency between respondents' evaluations of the family cycle and childspacing, on the one hand, and their personal acceptance of the two-child norm, on the other. The lack of congruence in American reproductive attitudes at present suggests that some conservatism might be wise in accepting current birth expectations as valid indicators of the long-run intentions of youthful cohorts. (author's)
A study of the relationship between attitudes towards world population growth and USA population growth.
Journal of Biosocial Science. 1973; 5:61-69.A total of 4841 adults, 21 years of age or older were interviewed in the fall of 1967, in a national poll sponsored by the Population Council concerning the rate of U.S. and world population growth. About 1/2 of all respondents saw both the U.S. and world population growth as a serious problem, about 1 in 5 felt the world population growth rate was serious and the U.S. rate not serious, roughly 1 in 7 thought that both rates were not serious, and 1 in 25 thought the U.S. rate serious and the world rate not serious. As educational level increased the proportion viewing both rates as not serious tended to drop. The proportion thinking the world rate serious and the U.S. rate not serious was increased steadily from those with Grade 8 or less schooling (14%) to those who were college graduates (31%) and from those in families earning under $3000 annually (13%) to those in families earning at least $10,000 (28%). As educational level increased, the proportion viewing both the world and U.S. growth rates as not serious, tended to drop. The proportion viewing both the rates as serious increased from East to Midwest to South to West (45%, 49%, 50%, 53% respectively), while the proportion considering the 2 rates as not serious tended to decline (20%, 18%, 15%, 11%). Caucasians were more likely to view both the world and U.S. population growth as serious or world but not U.S. growth as serious, than Negores. Negroes were more likely to consider the U.S. rate as serious and the world rate as not serious. Catholics were more likely than Protestants to define the 2 rates as not serious. Of the respondents viewing the world rate as serious, roughly 2/3 consider the U.S. rate to be a serious problem. Among those viewing the world rate as not a serious problem about 4 out of 5 felt the U.S. rate also was not serious. Females defining the world rate as a serious problem were more likely than males with this view to see the U.S. rate as serious. 9 out of 10 who felt the U.S. rate was a serious problem defined the world rate as serious. The view that the world rate is not serious is a strong predictor of the view that the U.S. rate is not serious.
Paper presented at the Annual Meeting of the Population Association of America, Toronto, Canada, April 13-15, 1972. 19 pThe Gilbert Youth Poll conducted a nationwide survey of 2541 young people between the ages of 14 and 24 in the spring of 1971 for the Research Department of Planned Parenthood World Federation. Of this group 834 were high school students, 948 were college students, and 759 were young people who were not in school. Most of the latter group were older than the high school students and 46% of them have been to college. The findings indicate that 3/4 of this sample approve of making birth control available to any teen-ager wanting this service. Neither sex, race, nor religion affected this attitude. 76% of the white and 58% of the black respondents recommended that couples get professional birth control counseling upon marrying. Most of the respondents plan to marry in their 20s and do not want children during the 1st year of marriage. Variations in these findings did occur among certain subgroups. For example, high school students are less likely to recommend early professional birth control counseling and more likely to approve a child within the 1st year of marriage. About 1/2 the respondents wanted only 2 children while another 1/4 preferred 2 or 3 children. 9 out of 10 indicated the oral contraceptive as an effective birth control method and about 1/2 mentioned the IUD. 11% specified tubal ligation or vasectomy and another 5% stated general sterilization without mention of procedure. Approximately 1/4 noted Planned Parenthood clinics as a place teen-agers could go for birth control services and another 1/5 indicated "family planning clinics." Although population growth in the U.S. was given recognition as a potential problem, it was not regarded as one which required immediate attention. 3 out of 5 expressed some concern over the effect of population growth on their lives, but only a small proportion thought the effect would be serious. Concerning their reasons for family planning, this sample attributed greater importance to child care and economic situation than to social issues such as population.