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Menlo Park, California, Henry J. Kaiser Family Foundation, 2003 Jun. 4 p. (Facts. Fact Sheet)Each year, there are approximately fifteen million new cases of sexually transmitted diseases (STDs) in the U.S., and this country has the highest rate of STD infection in the industrialized world. By age 24, at least one out of every four Americans is believed to have contracted an STD, and an estimated 65 million Americans are now living with an incurable STD. Research suggests that women are biologically more susceptible to STD exposure than men. While STDs, including HIV, affect every age group, people under 25 account for roughly two-thirds of all new STD infections: 42 percent occur among those aged 20-24 and 25 percent occur among 15-to-19-year-olds. CDC data also show higher reported rates of STDs among some racial and ethnic minority groups, compared with rates among whites – possibly reflecting overall health disparities as well as greater use of public health clinics by minority populations. (excerpt)
Washington, D.C., NARAL Pro-Choice America Foundation, 2004 Jan 1. 9 p.Refusal clauses (sometimes called “conscience” clauses) permit a broad range of individuals and institutions — including hospitals, hospital employees, health care providers, employers, and insurers — to refuse to provide, pay, counsel or even refer for medical treatment based on their moral or religious views. Refusal clauses were first enacted immediately after Roe v. Wade. In response to Roe, Congress adopted an amendment named after then-Senator Frank Church (D-ID), allowing individuals or entities that receive certain federal funds to refuse to provide abortion or sterilization if such services are contrary to their religious or moral beliefs. Following Congress’ lead, 45 states passed laws that permit certain medical personnel, health facilities, and/or institutions to refuse to participate in abortion, most of which were enacted shortly after Roe. In the years following, lawmakers enacted refusal clauses only in isolated circumstances. Recently, however, there has been a resurgence of legislative activity regarding such restrictions. In particular, anti-choice members of Congress have recently tried to enact a very broad refusal clause known as “the Abortion Non-Discrimination Act.” (excerpt)
[Washington, D.C.], NARAL Pro-Choice America Foundation, 2003 Jan 21. 8 p.Refusal clauses (sometimes called “conscience” clauses) permit a broad range of individuals and institutions — including hospitals, hospital employees, health care providers, employers, and insurers — to refuse to provide, pay, counsel or even refer for medical treatment based on their moral or religious views. (excerpt)
[Geneva, Switzerland], WHO, Global Programme on AIDS, Social and Behavioral Research Unit, .  p. (WHO File: Data on Social Issues; Report No. 2)The Social and Behavioural Research Unit has prepared its second international inventory of Knowledge, Attitude, Behaviour, and Practices surveys. The report reviews 80 projects drawing upon both published and unpublished materials dealing with 7 major study groups: adolescents and young people, the general public, health care workers, homosexual/bisexual men, drug injectors, prostitutes, and other groups. For each of these the inventory classifies the project concerned by selected key features such as when and where it was undertaken, sampling strategy used, and methodology and conclusions. (excerpt)
[Formative research. Support for and barriers to the reduction of vertical transmission of HIV / AIDS in El Salvador. Volume 2] Investigacion formativa. Apoyo y barreras para reducir la transmision vertical del VIH / SIDA en El Salvador. Volumen Dos.
[Washington, D.C.], Academy for Educational Development [AED], CHANGE Project, 2002. , 76 p. (USAID Cooperative Agreement No. HRN-A-00-98-00044-00)This publication of the CHANGE Project of the Academy for Educated Development and the Manoff Group International consists of a public opinion survey and discussion guides addressing pregnant women, their partners and health care providers. The in-depth interview questions guides address women who accepted or rejected the offer of an HIV/AIDS text during a prenatal visit, partners/companions of women who accepted or rejected the HIV/AIDS test offered during a prenatal visit, and providers that have offered or now offer the HIV/AIDS test to pregnant women during prenatal visits. Also included are field guides for focus groups consisting of pregnant women, their partners/companions or providers offering prenatal and HIV testing services.
Journal of Social History. 1985 Spring; 18(3):399-411.The transition from resistance to acceptance of birth control in the US can be characterized as a 3 stage process, with each period facing its own issues and choices. The 1st stage -- the fight over birth control in the early 20th century -- has been documented by historians like James Reed, Linda Gordon, and David Kennedy. A 2nd stage, approximately the years from 1936-60, has not been fully explored although the period was crucial in shaping the current system of contraceptive health care. This discussion focuses on this transitional period, particularly its 1st decade, 1936-47. Physicians' attitudes, as revealed through American Medical Association (AMA) policy and a national survey conducted in 1947, are considered in relation to reported data on clinic and private practice. This evidence reveals that despite the liberalization of laws and public opinion in the mid-1930s, contraception did not become widely available until after 1960 -- the beginning of the 3rd stage in the history of American contraception -- and that the restriction of birth control information during the period was traceble in large part to the medical profession. Analysis of the 1936-47 decade, particularly with regard to the concerns of doctors, provides a framework for understanding the forces that affected contraceptive health care in the mid 20th century and suggests conditions that continue to shape the politics of birth control. In 1936, when the AMA's committee on contraception submitted its 1st report, it was clear that legal and public opinion had moved decisively toward more liberal attitudes concerning birth control. In 1937 the AMA passed a qualified endorsement of birth control, indicating that the organized medical profession as represented by the AMA held views on birth control at the beginning of the 2nd stage that were more conservative than those of most middle-class Americans. Its conservatism was challenged by lay groups who threatened to circumvent standard office practice if physicians failed to modify their views. Public opinion and behavior thus had a demonstrable effect on medical attitudes. 10 years after the AMA resolution a suvey found that more than 2/3 of physicians approved of contraception for any married women who requested it. The 1937-47 period witnessed 2 important changes in medical attitudes toward contraception: the profession's public, though cautious, endorsement of birth control; and the apparent adoption of liberalized standards for the prescription of contraceptive materials. The period also was a time of tremendous growth for the new birth control clinics that offered services to women who could not afford private care. Available evidence suggests that physicians' attitudes toward contraception, and particularly toward birth control clinics, were more important than either laws or public opinion in limiting the availability of those contraceptives considered most efficient (and most compatible with sexual pleasure) between 1936-60.
Quarterly Journal of Speech. 1984 Nov; 70(4):410-24.This article traces agruments about abortion during the crucial decades of the 60's and 70's and shows major changes in the public arguments used to discuss the topic. The controversy hs evolved through 7 identifiable stages, from emotional narrative to squabbling implementation and stalemate. 1) A "professional" stage of argrument conducted in nonpublic arenas shaped and encouraged a public debate. The issues of argument during this stage were narrow and related mainly to the specific concerns of the various professions. 2) The early public argument began with a "narrative" phase, in which stories of the horrors of illegal abortion were recounted. 3) In interaction with the Civil Rights issue and as a result of weaknesses in the narrative argument, the "auxiliary ideographic" stage focusing on "discrimintion" developed. 4) Feminist concerns spurred the stage of "ntrinsic ideograhic" argument, as the ideograph "choice" became central. 5) In the mid-70's came the complicated stage of "normalization" following legal intervention. Some parties attempted to work out the details of legal abortion, while others escalated the arguments against it. 6) The next stage saw the "stalemate"; 2 mature ideological components presented themselves to the public and compared their values and practices to each other. Finally, the arguments on each side began to reach out for new audiences, and in so doing, to fracture, becoming multi-vocal. 7) The current stage, "fragmentation," signals that elements of a new ideological structure have become widely accepted by the public: abortion is legal, a majority favor a woman's choice, and millions of women are exercising the option of legal abortion. However, this structure is tightly hedged by other values, and choice is thus limited by "life" and "family." The American process of public argument has led to a reaffirmation of the core of each of these values and interests by broadening the vocabulary and altering legal and medical conditions. This study indicates the need for several lines of further research. A fuller explanation of the relationship between the arguments of the women's movement and the abortion controversy is worthy of examination, and an investigation of the generalizability of the 7-stage pattern seems desirable. This essay demonstrate a viable method for rhetorical analyses of social change.