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Adapting the popular opinion leader intervention for Latino young migrant men who have sex with men.
AIDS Education and Prevention. 2006; 18 Suppl A:137-148.Young Latino migrant men who have sex with men are at high risk for HIV infection. The Popular Opinion Leader intervention, shown to be effective with White gay men, was adapted by the Farm worker Justice Fund, Inc., for this Latino migrant population. This project, called the Young Latino Promotores, was implemented over a 2-year period by community-based organizations in Vista, California, and McAllen, Texas, with capacity building assistance from the Farm worker Justice Fund, Inc. We report on challenges, preliminary findings, and lessons learned from adapting this intervention. (author's)
Impact of the 1988-89 national AIDS communications campaign on AIDS-related attitudes and behaviors in Jamaica.
[Unpublished] 1990 Jun. iii, 61,  p. (USAID Contract No. DPE-3051-Z-00-8043-00)1,124 questionnaires were completed in order to assess the impact of a national AIDS communications campaign upon knowledge, attitudes, and practices (KAP) related to the prevention of HIV transmission and AIDS in Jamaica. Awareness of AIDS was high at baseline, and remains so after the campaign. Significantly more persons understand that AIDS is preventable, yet many still think that changes in personal behavioral will do little to protect them from infection. A high degree of negative public sentiment exists against those with AIDS, with none of the popular AIDS myths having been completed eradicated. As for condoms, they enjoy a positive image, and are widely known of in the country. Their use is comparatively high in Jamaica, slightly up from baseline levels, and chosen especially among youth and singles. Occasional condom use is high largely with primary partners, while regular use is high with secondary partners. Overall, more effective behavioral change has taken place since the baseline survey. An increased number of persons have sexual relations with only 1 faithful partner. The campaign was widely seen and memorable, albeit with retention of key preventive measures low to moderate among the campaign audience. Quantitatively, these measures seem to have gotten through to a larger audience than that reached in an earlier round of the campaign. Efforts should be made to further dispel popular myths, stress the importance and effect of behavioral changes, promote the consistent practice of correct behaviors, develop revised motivational messages, and consider the role of interpersonal communication in campaigns all with a fresh, new approach.
Canadian Review of Sociology and Anthropology. 1974 Nov; 11(4):360-370.Add to my documents.
Family Planning Perspectives. January-February 1975; 7(1):13-22.A systematic review of national and local press coverage of congressional races makes possible a general appraisal of the significance of the abortion issue in the 1974 general election; analysis of polls conducted by congresspersons offers further clues to voter sentiment regarding this issue. Congressional initiatives in regard to abortion following the 1973 Supreme Court decision fell into 3 major categories: 1) introduction of proposals for constitutional amendments to reverse the Supreme Court decision; 2) efforts to exempt both individuals and institutions from having to perform or to allow the performance of abortion; 3) attempts to prohibit or restrict the use of federal funds for abortion in domestic or foreign programs. Many districts are so "safe" that the incumbent is virtually assured of election without campaigning, so a more reliable test of the importance of the abortion issue is to examine what happened to those incumbents whose hold over their districts was generally acknowledged to be insecure or who faced especially strong challengers. The voting records and election outcomes of 119 incumbents were scrutinized. Incumbents from unsafe districts fared considerably more poorly than those from safe areas in the 1974 elections. 1% of the safe incumbents lost compared to 31% of those whose races were considered close. Antiabortion candidates from unsafe districts had a much higher casualty rate (39%) than proabortion candidates (8%); while those with mixed records fared about the same as congresspersons from unsafe districts generally. Among Republicans running in close races, 42% of the antiabortion incumbents were defeated, about the same porportion of casualties as among Republicans in unsafe districts generally. Among Democrats, all of the 12 proabortion incumbents from unsafe districts were reelected, while 2 of the 8 who voted consistently in opposition were defeated. When party affiliation is controlled and attention is on those districts where a single issue might conceivably have made the difference between victory and defeat, the losses among antiabortion incumbents were heavier than those losses among those who voted in favor of legal abortion. The data show conclusively that support of legal abortion does not constitute political suicide.