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  1. 1

    Climate change: the IPCC response strategies.

    Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change [IPCC]

    Washington, D.C., Island Press, 1991. lxii, 272 p.

    In 1988, the World Meteorological Organization and the UN Environment Program established the Intergovernmental Panel on climate Change (IPCC) to consider scientific data on various factors of the climate change issue, e.g., emissions of major greenhouse gases, and to draw up realistic response strategies to manage this issue. Its members have agreed that emissions from human activities are indeed increasing sizably the levels of carbon dioxide, methane, chlorofluorocarbon (CFC), and nitrous oxide in the atmosphere. The major conclusions are that effective responses need a global effort and both developed and developing countries must take responsibility to implement these responses. Industrialized countries must modify their economies to limit emissions because most emissions into the atmosphere come from these countries. They should cooperate with and also provide financial and technical assistance to developing countries to raise their living standards while preventing and managing environmental problems. Concurrently, developing countries must adopt measures to also limit emissions as their economies expand. Environmental protection must be the base for continuing economic development. There must be an education campaign to inform the public about the issue and the needed changes. Strategies and measures to confront rapid population growth must be included in a flexible and progressive approach to sustainable development. Specific short-term actions include improved energy efficiency, cleaner energy sources and technologies, phasing out CFCs, improved forest management and expansion of forests, improved livestock waste management, modified use and formulation of fertilizers, and changes in agricultural land use. Longer term efforts are accelerated and coordinated research programs, development of new technologies, behavioral and structural changes (e.g., transportation), and expansion of global ocean observing and monitoring systems.
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  2. 2

    [Resolution No.] 1991/23. Refugee and displaced women and children [30 May 1991].

    United Nations. Economic and Social Council


    This document contains the text of a 1991 UN resolution on refugee and displaced women and children. After reviewing previous UN action on this issue, the resolution recommends that: 1) member states cooperate with UN agencies and nongovernmental organizations to address the root cases of refugee migrations; 2) women and children be protected from violence and abuse; 3) the specific needs of refugee women and children be considered in planning; 4) refugee women be given sufficient information to make decisions on their own future; 5) women and, when possible, children, be given access to individual identification documents; 6) refugee women participate fully in the assessment of their needs and in the planning and implementation of programs; 7) the UN Secretary-General review the ability of its organizations to address the situation of refugee women and children; and 8) international organizations increase their capacity to respond to the needs of refugee women and children through greater coordination of efforts. The resolution commends member states which receive large numbers of refugees and asks the international community to share the resulting burden and further recommends that all pertinent organizations adopt an appropriate policy on refugee women and children, female field staff be recruited, staff be trained to increase awareness of the issues related to refugee of women and children and skills for planning appropriate actions, and the collection of refugee statistics be disaggregated by age and gender.
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  3. 3

    Programme review and strategy development report: Botswana.

    United Nations Population Fund [UNFPA]

    New York, New York, UNFPA, [1991]. vii, 71 p.

    The Government of Botswana followed good economic policies during the 1970s-80s and received considerable revenues from minerals which it invested in its social and economic infrastructure. this resulted in more employment and improved health, education, and skills of the population. Even though these actions were a good start in dealing with population issues, the population continues to grow rapidly (3.45%) and total fertility is high (6.39). Despite the country's small population size (1.3 million; population density=2/square km), it strains Botswana's limited resource base. In the future, the water supply will be Botswana's most serious problem. It is now facing increased teenage and unwanted pregnancies, malnutrition, overcrowding, and street children. Yet Botswana has no official population policy. Maternal and child health (MCH) programs provide family planning (FP) information, services, and supplies, but based on the growth rate, women tend to use contraceptives to space births. Contraceptive prevalence is around 32%. The government does not have a definite information, education, and communication (IEC) strategy that targets populations not served by MCH/FP programs. UNFPA recommends that the government of Botswana begin formulating a population policy and implementation strategy. It suggests that the strategy include an institutional framework; a policy document; the organization of a national population program as soon as possible; IEC; a component addressing women, population, and development; FP services; a framework for data collection and analyses; and mechanisms to improve date quality, analyses, and dissemination of findings.
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  4. 4

    The household survey as a tool for policy change: lessons from the Jamaican Survey of Living Conditions.

    Grosh ME

    Washington, D.C., World Bank, 1991. viii, 48 p. (Living Standards Measurement Study [LSMS] Working Paper No. 80)

    The Jamaican Survey of Living conditions (SLC), which is scheduled as a semiannual survey, was initiated during 1988/89 to monitor the Human Resources Program (HRDP). The multisectoral aim was to provide household data for analysis of the effects of government policies on living conditions of the population. As a Living Standards Measurement Study (LSMS, SLC was a small, but in-depth instrument with a narrow focus and emphasis on policy impact, i.e., capable of determining who the poor are and their responses to policy changes. LSMS surveys are flexible and can be adapted to the policy issues of importance in any country. Results can be provided quickly. The SLC was a household questionnaire, which eliminated data available from the LSMS; the SLC sample used a random 33% of the Labor Force Survey (LFS) sample and followed the LFS by a month. Between the 1st and 2nd rounds of the SLC, a training and transfer program was begun to gradually assure Jamaican staff sustainability. A key feature of skills transfer was a tutorial approach. Discussion focused on the nature of the survey, similarities to the LSMS, the adaptations made to the SLC, and the history of the development of the survey. The survey provided information on the distribution of welfare and sectoral data on health, education, and nutrition. Strategic choices were made which account for SLC's success; the lessons learned were thought to be of value to other countries involved in living standards research and policy directives. The concreteness of purpose was a strategy which appealed to both policy makers and technicians. Timeliness was traded with quality of data, which contributed to immediate policy relevance, enhanced the training functions, and allowed for refinements. The disadvantages were that good results could block further detailed work; quality issues might be compromised. Other strategies discussed were the adaptation to the existing environment, gradual training of staff, the close cooperation between several agencies, multiple analysis prospects for government staff and academics, and the extensive use of World Bank staff in the initial effort. Costs to Jamaica were low compared to other LSMS surveys, but World Bank costs were high in staff time and travel. The cost of replication for other countries will depend on existing infrastructure, sample size, and local prices.
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  5. 5

    Programme review and strategy development report: Bolivia.

    United Nations Population Fund [UNFPA]

    New York, New York, UNFPA, [1991]. vi, 66 p.

    The UN Population Fund (UNFPA) reviewed the process of population policy formulation in Bolivia in May-June 1990 in a Programme Review and Strategy Development Report. Faced with high external debt and falling output but a population growing at 2.8%, Bolivia lacks the luxury of a vital registration system or a population policy. It is generally believed that the population density is too low for adequate production, and that a population policy means demographic birth control. An opinion survey of national leaders in 1989 showed an emerging realization of the need for a population policy, but ignorance of what such a policy entails. Bolivia has a National Social Policy Council (CONAPSO) which has produced important research and policy guidelines in other areas, but has neglected population issues. There is no research or statistical data since the Census of 1976, except for a few sample surveys; what information exists is global, and none of it is used for designing development plans. Maternal/child health (MCH) is poor in Bolivia, with significant malnutrition, infant mortality, deaths from preventable disease, tetanus, and respiratory infections, as well as excessive childbearing, nonmedical abortion, and malnutrition in women. An MCH Action Plan for 1990 has 6 clear goals and actions. No IEC program is in place. There is no appreciation of the magnitude of women's economic contribution in existing national data. Most donor funds and technical cooperation have been devoted to job creation and small projects involving health and education, such as sanitation and water projects in 11 small towns. The report ends with 9 general strategies covering such topics as population-development policy, MCH/family planning services, IEC, education of leaders, national statistics, women's issues, and increasing and coordinating international assistance.
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  6. 6

    Fertility trends and prospects in East and South-East Asian countries and implications for policies and programmes.

    Leete R

    POPULATION RESEARCH LEADS. 1991; (39):1-17.

    Fertility trends and prospects for east and southeast Asian countries including cities in China, Taiwan, the Republic of Korea, Thailand, Indonesia, Malaysia, the Philippines, Myanmar, and Viet Nam are described. Additional discussion focuses on family planning methods, marriage patterns, fertility prospects, theories of fertility change, and policy implications for the labor supply, labor migrants, increased female participation in the labor force (LFP), human resource development, and social policy measures. Figures provide graphic descriptions of total fertility rates (TFRS) for 12 countries/areas for selected years between 1960-90, TFR for selected Chinese cities between 1955-90, the % of currently married women 15-44 years using contraception by main method for selected years and for 10 countries, actual and projected TFR and annual growth rates between 1990-2020 for Korea and Indonesia. It is noted that the 1st southeast Asian country to experience a revolution in reproductive behavior was Japan with below replacement level fertility by 1960. This was accomplished by massive postponement in age at marriage and rapid reduction in marital fertility. Fertility was controlled primarily through abortion. Thereafter every southeast Asian country experienced fertility declines. Hong Kong, Penang, Shanghai, Singapore, and Taipei and declining fertility before the major thrust of family planning (FP). Chinese fertility declines were reflected in the 1970s to the early 1980s and paralleled the longer, later, fewer campaign and policy which set ambitious targets which were strictly enforced at all levels of administration. Korea and Taiwan's declines were a result of individual decision making to restrict fertility which was encouraged by private and government programs to provide FP information and subsidized services. The context was social and economic change. Indonesia's almost replacement level fertility was achieved dramatically through the 1970s and 1980s by institutional change in ideas about families and schooling and material welfare, changes in the structure of governance, and changes in state ideology. Thailand's decline began in the 1960s and is attributed to social change, change in cultural setting, demand, and FP efforts. Modest declines characterize Malaysia and the Philippines, which have been surpassed by Myanmar and Viet Nam. The policy implications are that there are shortages in labor supply which can be remedied with labor migration, pronatalist policy, more capital intensive industries, and preparation for a changing economy.
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  7. 7

    A strategy for reducing numbers? Response.

    Banerji D

    HEALTH FOR THE MILLIONS. 1991 Dec; 17(5):25-7.

    The article on human entrapment in India by Maurice King is just another example of the dogmatic, simplistic and reckless way in which the white scholars of the North formulate their ideas. It is these people who are responsible for the opium wars, programs against Jews, and carpet bombing, defoliation, and massacres in Vietnam. King's idea os using UNICEF and the WHO to kill the non white children of the South is just another example of this kind of racist brutality. It is based only upon the written opinions of other white scholars. In 1991 King produced no data about human entrapment in India. King ignores the writing of non whites like Ashish Bose who presided over the International Population Conference in 1989. Other mistakes that King makes include a failure to understand the applications of immunization (EPI) and oral rehydration programs (ORT). The EPI was implemented without ever taking baseline data, so that its effectiveness is impossible to determine with any accuracy. And nowhere in the world has ORT worked as well as UNICEF claimed it would. Further proof that King advocates genocide is his labeling of the insecticide-impregnated bednets as a dangerous technology in increasing entrapment. King fails to acknowledge the overwhelming influence of white consultants on the policies and planning strategies of family planning programs in India. Their list of failures includes: the clinic and extension approach, popularization of the IUD, mass communication, target orientation, sterilization camps, and giving primacy to generalists administrators. They should be held accountable for the 406 million people added to the base population between 1961-91 It should also be noted that India had the ability absorb this large number people while still maintaining a democratic structure, gather a substantial buffer stock of food grains, consistently increasing its per capita income while decreasing its infant mortality and crude death rates, increase its life expectancy at birth and improve the level of literacy, especially for females.
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