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New York, New York, UNFPA, . v, 36 p. (Report)The former government of Romania sought to maintain existing population and accelerate population growth by restricting migration, increasing fertility, and reducing mortality. The provision and use of family planning (FP) were subject to restrictions and penalties beginning in 1986, the legal marriage age for females was lowered to 15 years, and incentives were provided to bolster fertility. These and other government policies have contributed to existing environmental pollution, poor housing, insufficient food, and major health problems in the country. To progress against population-related problems, Romania most urgently needs to gather reliable population and socioeconomic data for planning purposes, establish the ability to formulate population policy and undertake related activities, rehabilitate the health system and introduce modern FP methods, education health personnel and the public about FP methods, promote awareness of the need for population education, and establish that women's interests are served in government policy and action. These topics, recommendations, and the role of foreign assistance are discussed in turn.
In: To cure all hunger. Food policy and food security in Sudan, edited by Simon Maxwell. London, England, Intermediate Technology Publications, 1991. 191-206.Targeting on grounds of equity, cost, or minimizing interference fails to consider whether targeting is politically possible. In the case of the USAID-sponsored famine-relief and emergency food aid operation in Darfur, western Sudan, in 1985, the expressed intention of target this relief was not fulfilled. The target group received inadequate amounts of relief grain owing to the lack of targeting by area councils within Darfur, and the lack of targeting within area councils. After severe rainfall failures in 1982, 1983 and 1984, large numbers of people in western Sudan faced severe food shortage, abnormal migrations, and increased risk of destitution. USAID, the principal donor for relief operations to western Sudan in 1984-85, approved 82,000 metric tons (mt) of relief grain for western Sudan in September 1984, and then a further 250,000 mt in late 1984 and early 1985. The target population for the first 41,000 mt of relief sorghum was the neediest one-fourth later, the neediest one-third. A USAID document provided estimates of people and the way the area councils conceived sheltering throngs of the target group. There was 153,141 seriously affected in Kutum area council, 102,907 in Mellit, and 507,348 in Geneina representing around 25% of Darfur's population, the size of the target group envisaged for the first 41,000 mt of relief grain. USAID made concessions to the Darfur regional government allowing South Darfur a higher proportion of early allocations than need dictated. Save the Children Fund experienced serious difficulties with the local contractor to distribute food from area-council level. Aid agencies and donors need to consider how targeting is to be accomplished and how to confront influential local players with interests contrary to such targeting. Allocations of relief grain could be made on the assumption that targeting will be only partially achieved; and through alternative forms of relief.
Fertility trends and prospects in East and South-East Asian countries and implications for policies and programmes.
POPULATION RESEARCH LEADS. 1991; (39):1-17.Fertility trends and prospects for east and southeast Asian countries including cities in China, Taiwan, the Republic of Korea, Thailand, Indonesia, Malaysia, the Philippines, Myanmar, and Viet Nam are described. Additional discussion focuses on family planning methods, marriage patterns, fertility prospects, theories of fertility change, and policy implications for the labor supply, labor migrants, increased female participation in the labor force (LFP), human resource development, and social policy measures. Figures provide graphic descriptions of total fertility rates (TFRS) for 12 countries/areas for selected years between 1960-90, TFR for selected Chinese cities between 1955-90, the % of currently married women 15-44 years using contraception by main method for selected years and for 10 countries, actual and projected TFR and annual growth rates between 1990-2020 for Korea and Indonesia. It is noted that the 1st southeast Asian country to experience a revolution in reproductive behavior was Japan with below replacement level fertility by 1960. This was accomplished by massive postponement in age at marriage and rapid reduction in marital fertility. Fertility was controlled primarily through abortion. Thereafter every southeast Asian country experienced fertility declines. Hong Kong, Penang, Shanghai, Singapore, and Taipei and declining fertility before the major thrust of family planning (FP). Chinese fertility declines were reflected in the 1970s to the early 1980s and paralleled the longer, later, fewer campaign and policy which set ambitious targets which were strictly enforced at all levels of administration. Korea and Taiwan's declines were a result of individual decision making to restrict fertility which was encouraged by private and government programs to provide FP information and subsidized services. The context was social and economic change. Indonesia's almost replacement level fertility was achieved dramatically through the 1970s and 1980s by institutional change in ideas about families and schooling and material welfare, changes in the structure of governance, and changes in state ideology. Thailand's decline began in the 1960s and is attributed to social change, change in cultural setting, demand, and FP efforts. Modest declines characterize Malaysia and the Philippines, which have been surpassed by Myanmar and Viet Nam. The policy implications are that there are shortages in labor supply which can be remedied with labor migration, pronatalist policy, more capital intensive industries, and preparation for a changing economy.
PEOPLE. 1991; 18(2):24-5.The effect of the Gulf War on family planning services in the Arab Region is discussed. The war may also underscore the problems of inequities in the distribution of wealth, misuse of natural resources, displacement of people (refugees and human rights), and precariousness of economies based on disorganized imported/exported labor. It is hoped that this will lead to a coordinated population policy on migration and population movements in the Arab Region. The Arab world has also exposed it's high fertility rates, mortality rates, poverty, and conditions of women. The IPPF family planning associates have functioned in 14 Arab countries with hesitant support. The scarce family planning resources may be diverted to investments in national security and emergency care and curative services. Health, education, nutrition, and joblessness are critical for Iraqis, Jordanians, and those fleeing or being expelled from Iraq, Kuwait, and Saudi Arabia. Their status may be no better than the refugees stranded in Jordan. Attitudes from the war may lead to pressure on mothers to replace the dead, or retreat into thinking about safety in numbers. Public opinion against the West's imperialist plots about family planning, as evidenced in Israel's pronatalist policies, may equate family planning with being anti-Islamic and antinationalist. These fears are further exacerbated by the fundamentalist concerns about anti-Islamic family planning. Religious fanaticism also threatens the newly acquired rights of women to choose the desired number of children, to education, and to hold public office. A further complication is the political nature of international assistance which may punish poorer Arab nations for their rebellion, or be distributed based on political aims. No Arab nation is neutral and IPPF will suffer resulting in fewer exchanges and regional-based activities.