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Safer women, safer world: a fund to increase the number of women UN Peacekeepers and better protect women and girls in conflict situations.
Washington, D.C., Center for Global Development, 2017 Jun. 4 p. (Center for Global Development Brief)Having more women peacekeepers is linked with large reductions in sexual misconduct by peacekeepers and more sustainable peace. The UN could potentially raise the proportion of women peacekeepers to 20 percent for around $75 million. A small multilateral trust fund would offer supplementary payments to troop-contributing countries for each woman peacekeeper provided.
Lancet. 2017 Jul 01; 390(10089):1.Add to my documents.
Chapel Hill, North Carolina, Ipas, 2008. 4 p.The United Nations Population Fund estimates that 25-50 percent of maternal deaths in refugee settings are attributable to unsafe abortions. Making pregnancy safer includes timely and appropriate management of unsafe and spontaneous abortion for all women, and the provision of or referral for safe abortion services to the full extent allowed by law. Manual vacuum aspiration (MVA) has been used worldwide for more than three decades, enabling millions of women in developed and developing countries to undergo safe and effective uterine evacuation for treatment of incomplete abortion and first-trimester abortion, as well as endometrial biopsy. This brochure highlights how MVA is an important part of safe, effective abortion and postabortion care in conflict settings.
[Geneva, Switzerland], United Nations, Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights, 2002. 5 p. (E/CN.4/RES/2002/52)Reaffirming that discrimination on the basis of sex is contrary to the Charter of the United Nations, the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women and other international human rights instruments, and that its elimination is an integral part of efforts towards the elimination of violence against women. Reaffirming the Vienna Declaration and Programme of Action adopted in June 1993 by the World Conference on Human Rights (A/CONF.157/23) and the Declaration on the Elimination of Violence against Women adopted by the General Assembly in its resolution 48/104 of 20 December 1993. Recalling all its previous resolutions on the elimination of violence against women, in particular its resolution 1994/45 of 4 March 1994, in which it decided to appoint a special rapporteur on violence against women, its causes and consequences. Noting all General Assembly resolutions relevant to elimination of violence against women. Welcoming the Beijing Declaration and Platform for Action adopted in September 1995 by the Fourth World Conference on Women (A/CONF.177/20, chap. I), follow-up action by the Commission on the Status of Women on violence against women and the outcome of the twenty-third special session of the General Assembly, entitled "Women 2000: gender equality, development and peace for the twenty-first century". (excerpt)
Is gender justice a priority for the UN and what more is needed for a coordinated institutional approach?
[Unpublished] 2004. Presented at the Conference on Gender Justice in Post-Conflict Situations, "Peace Needs Women and Women Need Justice”. Co-organized by the United Nations Development Fund for Women [UNIFEM] and the International Legal Assistance Consortium. New York, New York, September 15-17, 2004. 7 p.The challenge for us in the United Nations system is how to work with our international and local partners to undertake national reconstruction using a human rights based approach, to enable a transition to rule of rights, not a continuation of rule of abuse. We must develop a common approach to ensure that war-torn societies are rebuilt in such a way that nondiscrimination, and a total respect for rights, particularly those of girls and women, can be used to develop constitutions, legal frameworks, justice and security systems underpinned by the primacy of equal enjoyment of rights. UNICEF is currently covering a range of activities from the overall umbrella of child protection, including issues of child soldiers and DDR, mine action, juvenile justice, and international accountability for crimes against children to broader humanitarian survival issues such as health, nutrition and education. With its rights-based approach to policy development and programme implementation, UNICEF is strategicallyplaced to uphold the pre-eminence of the rights of women and girls and to work with partners to address gender justice issues at field level. (excerpt)
[Unpublished] 2004. Presented at the Conference on Gender Justice in Post-Conflict Situations, "Peace Needs Women and Women Need Justice”. Co-organized by the United Nations Development Fund for Women [UNIFEM] and the International Legal Assistance Consortium. New York, New York, September 15-17, 2004. 8 p.For 25 years war raged in Afghanistan, destroying both the institutional fiber of the country and its justice system. Even in the period before the wars, the justice system had only managed to impose itself sporadically. Disputes that arose had to be resolved, for the most part, through informal religious or tribal systems. However acceptable some of the main laws may have been technically, they were offset by various factors: the poor training of judges, lawyers and other legal workers; decaying infrastructures; and ignorance of the law and basic rights by common citizens and even the judges themselves. The prison system had suffered even greater damages. Its infrastructure and organization were in ruins. Today enormous efforts have been mobilized to build a fair and functioning system that is respectful of human rights and international standards. It will take years for the Afghan government and people to do the job-with the help of the international community. (excerpt)
[Unpublished] 2004. Presented at the Conference on Gender Justice in Post-Conflict Situations, "Peace Needs Women and Women Need Justice”. Co-organized by the United Nations Development Fund for Women [UNIFEM] and the International Legal Assistance Consortium. New York, New York, September 15-17, 2004. 5 p.Why Women and Peace? The theme imposed itself. The last year of the 20th century represented an invitation and challenge to recapitulate and remember as well as to compare scores and balance sheets of the turbulent epoch we were leaving behind. No doubt, the 20th century was the century of wars. As never before in human history civilians paid the highest price of conflicts and conflagrations. In the two world wars and innumerable local wars, interventions, internal ethnic clashes, revolutions and coups, more than 100 million people were killed - the vast majority of them being civilians. Sometimes they were directly targeted; at other times they were "collateral damage" - to use an ugly euphemism coined by NATO during its 1999 intervention against Yugoslavia. From Hiroshima and Nagasaki to Vietnam to Pol Pot's Cambodia to Iran-Iraq to Afghanistan to Liberia to Sierra Leone to Rwanda to Burundi to Colombia to Iraq again... it is the civilians who suffered the most and among them, women and childrenas the most vulnerable ones. (excerpt)
[Unpublished] 2004. Presented at the Conference on Gender Justice in Post-Conflict Situations, "Peace Needs Women and Women Need Justice”. Co-organized by the United Nations Development Fund for Women [UNIFEM] and the International Legal Assistance Consortium. New York, New York, September 15-17, 2004. 4 p.Unfortunately, this is extremely well documented in countries in conflict. Many of the reports submitted to the Security Council include mention of the use of rape as a weapon of war. Recently, a report of the United Nations Organization Mission in the Democratic Republic of the Congo (MONUC) on the situation of human rights in Ituri provided information on this problem which is as specific as it is frightening. But, paradoxically, in countries which are not in conflict, the issue of violence against women is often neglected, where it is not concealed. But the private sphere cannot be an area where rights do not apply. (excerpt)
[Unpublished] 2004. Presented at the Conference on Gender Justice in Post-Conflict Situations, "Peace Needs Women and Women Need Justice”. Co-organized by the United Nations Development Fund for Women [UNIFEM] and the International Legal Assistance Consortium. New York, New York, September 15-17, 2004. 5 p.When wars occur, women are usually the most abused, aggrieved and powerless. In the vast majority of countries, women play no significant role in the decision-making process of whether war is warranted or lawful. When hostilities break out, women are exposed not only to the forms of violence and devastation that accompany any war but also to forms of violence directed specifically at women on account of their gender. The use of sexual violence and sexual slavery as tactics and weapons of war remains at a high level in spite of tremendous strides made by the global community over the past decade. It is imperative to acknowledge the immeasurable injury to body, mind and spirit that is inflicted by these acts. The overall deterioration in the conditions of women in armed conflict situations is due not only to the collapse of social restraints and the general mayhem that armed conflict causes, but also to a strategic decision on the part of combatants to intimidate and destroy the enemy as a whole byraping and enslaving women who are identified as members of the other warring party. (excerpt)
[Unpublished] 2004. Presented at the Conference on Gender Justice in Post-Conflict Situations, "Peace Needs Women and Women Need Justice”. Co-organized by the United Nations Development Fund for Women [UNIFEM] and the International Legal Assistance Consortium. New York, New York, September 15-17, 2004. 5 p.In 1999, I stood among a sea of 20,000 desperate people on a dirt airfield outside Skopje, Macedonia, listening to one harrowing story after another. I had come to the Stenkovec refugee camp to record those stories and to help set up a system for documenting atrocities in Kosovo. The refugees with whom I spoke described being robbed, beaten, herded together and forced to flee their villages with nothing but the clothes they were wearing. Yet, what I remember most vividly are the lost expressions on the faces of the young women and girls in the camp. At first, they did not speak a word. Their silence acted as a veil, concealing crimes that they could not emotionally recollect. However, slowly, through time and comfort in speaking to female counsellors, their stories emerged. The brutality and systematic consistency of the sexual violence perpetrated on these women were mind-numbing. The widespread practice of rape against Muslim women was more than a consequence of war, it was an instrument of war with the intent of destroying the cultural fabric of a targeted group. This experience brought home to me a truism in international and national conflict: women suffer disproportionately to the atrocities committed against civilians. (excerpt)
New York, New York, United Nations Population Fund [UNFPA], 2006.  p.Even in times of peace, it is usually women who look after children, the sick, the injured and the elderly. When emergencies strike, this burden of care can multiply. In many cases, women become the sole providers and caretakers for their households, and sometimes the families of others -- especially when men have been killed, injured or must leave their communities to fight or rebuild. During crisis and in refugee situations, women and girls become the ultimate humanitarian workers. They obtain food and fuel for their families, even when it is unsafe to do so. They are responsible for water collection, even when water systems have been destroyed and alternate sources are far away. They help to organize or rebuild schools. They protect the vulnerable and care for sick and disabled family members and neighbours. Women are also likely to take on additional tasks, including construction and other physical labour, and activities to generate income for their families. In many conflict zones, women's actions also help to bring about and maintain peace. Women care for orphaned children who might otherwise become combatants. They organize grass-roots campaigns, sometimes across borders, to call for an end to fighting. When the situation stabilizes, women work together to mend their torn communities. They help rebuild, restore traditions and customs, and repair relationships -- all while providing care for the next generation. (excerpt)
Securing equality, engendering peace: a guide to policy and planning on women, peace and security (UN SCR 1325).
Santo Domingo, Dominican Republic, United Nations International Research and Training Institute for the Advancement of Women [INSTRAW], 2006.  p.What must be done in order to transform written words into reality? One of today's greatest development challenges is turning policy into practice. This is especially the case in the realm of women's rights and gender equality, where the commitments made at the international and national levels remain far from the day-to-day realities of women's lives. This guide examines one of the crucial steps on the path towards the full implementation of existing laws, namely the formation and implementation of concrete policies and plans. More specifically, this guide concentrates on the creation of action plans on the issue of women, peace and security (WPS). The purpose of this guide is to help facilitate the development of realistic action plans on women, peace and security through the provision of good practices, specific recommendations and a six-step model process. The guide is designed as a resource for governments, United Nations and regional organisations as well as non-governmental organisations (NGOs) who are interested in developing plans and policies on women, peace and security issues. (excerpt)
Documenting women's rights violations by non-state actors. Activist strategies from Muslim communities.
Montreal, Canada, Rights and Democracy (International Centre for Human Rights and Democratic Development, 2006. 171 p.The phrase "Women's Rights are Human Rights" is far more than a catchy slogan. It is the underlining thesis of this manual that violence against women is a human rights violation and is unacceptable. Human rights is a universal concept reflected in all cultures. The concept of human rights has been rearticulated and reformulated throughout the ages and is continually evolving to deal with all attacks on human dignity and self esteem, no matter how these attacks are justified. It was the concept of human rights, as expressed in terms of the right to self determination, that formed the basis of the struggles for independence from colonial domination. It was the concept of human rights that challenged apartheid and racial discrimination. In a world where State sovereignty is jealously guarded, human rights is the concept that has provided the basis for international law and it is the conscious attention to women's human rights that ensures that human rights cuts through the public/private debate. It is now generally accepted that a citizen's relationship with the State should be governed by human rights and that the State is responsible for ensuring that its agents do not violate people's human rights in the course of their duties. But that is not all. It is clear that the State has an equal obligation to monitor and prevent violations of human rights when they are perpetrated by non-state actors as well. Legal systems in most countries recognize that it is the duty of the State to enforce criminal law. Since the State clearly has a duty to enforce this law, there should be no debate about whether violence against women is a criminal offence and therefore within the jurisdiction of the State to intervene. Violence against women is always a crime, but some legal systems either fail to recognize this or fail to adequately deal with it. Such failures are violations of women's human rights. (excerpt)
The "war on terror", and withdrawing American charity: Some consequences for poor Muslim women in Kolkata, India.
Meridians: Feminism, Race, Transnationalism. 2004; 4(1):137-167.While I cannot establish conclusive links between connected events, several pertinent questions have, for me, pointed to tentative but disturbing conclusions. The thrust of this paper comments on the disjuncture between American claims to “liberate” the Muslim woman in its “war on terror,” and the actual consequences for “real” people when political agendas underlie such rhetoric—even for private donor agencies working in the developing world. In the account that follows, I describe briefly some of AAES’s programs, with a focus on their programs for women; its achievements; my own involvement as a CSC “sponsor” of a young girl in the basti; and developments after the events of September 11, 2001. (excerpt)
Human Rights Quarterly. 2006 Feb; 28(1):148-185.More than ten years ago, feminist legal theorists drew attention to some of the pervasive gender biases within the systems of international law. This paper will investigate whether anything has changed in the day to day activities of the human rights treaty bodies that might be interpreted as a response to the feminist critiques. This paper will argue that although much work still needs to be done, the gender mainstreaming efforts of the treaty bodies are having a relevant and positive impact that can be seen in the dialogues with state parties. (author's)
Economic and Social Council considers issues relating to human rights, women, drugs, homeless, southern Africa.
UN Chronicle. 1986 Aug; 23: p..Action by the 54-member Economic and Social Council at its first regular session of 1986 concerned a wide range of issues, including human rights, illicit drug traffic, the homeless, the status of women, crime control, racial discrimination, population, youth and the disabled. Particular situations relating to southern Africa, the Middle East and other areas of the world were also the focus of Council attention. The Council, in adopting 43 resolutions and 35 decisions during its four-week session (New York, 28 April-23 May), also reviewed matters relating to the International Year of Peace, being observed during 1986. Debate on some human rights situations and issues concerning southern Africa, including transnational corporations (TNCs) and mercenaries, resulted in votes reflecting opposing views. The Council condemmed collaboration by TNCs with South Africa in the nuclear, military and economic fields, and the increased recruitment, financing, training, assembly, transit and use of mercenaries to destabilize and overthrow certain African Governments. (excerpt)
Violence against women: ringing the alarm to awake the conscience of society - includes related article on famous athletes' panel discussion of domestic violence - Fourth World Conference on Women - Cover story.
UN Chronicle. 1995 Jun; 32(2): p..Women have also been the victims of the ethnic, religious, communal and political conflicts which have marked the end of the cold war. According to a European Union fact-finding team, 20,000 women were raped in Bosnia and Herzegovina in the first months of the war in the former Yugoslavia. Many women abused in wars are from the most marginalized and vulnerable sectors of society, such as indigenous, refugee or displaced women. Yet, most women who are terrorized and assaulted during wars take no active part in the conflict. And the participation of women in decision-making for the resolution of these wars is lower than in any other area. The Secretary-General has therefore concluded in a recent report that women must be given "more say in decisions related to war or peace; reconciliation or violence, which would allow them to contribute to preventing such tragedies rather than becoming their victims". (excerpt)
UN Chronicle. 2002 Dec; 39(4): p..The Secretary-General's final report on women, peace and security to the Security Council was released on 21 October 2002, coinciding with the second anniversary of the Council's adoption of resolution 1325 (2000), which mandated the Secretary General to carry out a study on the impact of armed conflict on women and girls, women's roles in peace-building and the dimensions of gender in peace processes and conflict resolution. The report contains recommendations on how the United Nations can improve the status of women in peace and security processes, and hasten implementation of the resolution. The study analyzes the effects of armed conflict situations involving women and girls, who are both victims and perpetrators of violence, and whose contributions to all aspects of peace operations-peacemaking, peace-building, humanitarian operations, and reconstruction and rehabilitation-would increase the chances to achieve sustainable peace. The study asserts that there has been a failure to integrate gender perspectives into peace processes and conflict resolution due to a lack of know-how and accountability mechanisms on the part of policy- and decision-makers. (excerpt)
UN Chronicle. 1998 Winter; 35(4): p..On questions of human rights, the political bodies of the United Nations and nation-State donors frequently override claims of domestic jurisdiction where sovereignty might be invoked. But consider the following case studies. On 22 July 1998, the Emergency Relief Coordinator on United Nations humanitarian policy in Afghanistan cited a discriminatory human fights regime among reasons for the United Nations to restrict its activities to lifesaving assistance only. Four days earlier, the European Commission had suspended funding of all assistance in the Kabul area. An entire village was surrounded by machine-gun-toting men in the national military uniform. Every resident was transported with a few possessions to a 'development project' where, within a few years, they would be more desperate, destitute, hungry and without infrastructural support than they had ever been in the home that their families had known for hundreds of years. This "international aid" programme was euphemistically called "transmigration" where donors were complicit in transgression of fundamental rights "to liberty of movement and of freedom to choose his residency". (excerpt)
Women, peace and security. Study submitted by the Secretary-General pursuant to Security Council resolution 1325 (2000).
New York, New York, United Nations, 2002.  p.On 31 October 2000, the Security Council adopted resolution 1325 (2000) on women, peace and security, which builds on the Presidential Statement of 8 March 2000 and a series of Council resolutions on children and armed conflict, the protection of civilians in armed conflict and the prevention of armed conflict. On 24 and 25 October 2000, the Security Council held an open discussion on women, peace and security, in which 40 Member States made statements supporting the mainstreaming of gender perspectives into peace support operations and the participation of women in all aspects of peace processes. The discussion followed an Arria Formula meeting 3 on women, peace and security on 23 October 2000 that afforded an opportunity for the members of the Council to discuss the impact of armed conflict on women, and the role of women in peace processes, with women representatives of non -governmental organizations (NGOs) from Guatemala, Sierra Leone, Somalia and Zambia. They presented the experiences of women and girls in armed conflict and also raised the concerns of grass-roots movements of women committed to preventing and solving conflicts, and bringing peace, security and sustainable development to their communities. (excerpt)
Agenda. 2003; (55):61-72.Refugee demographics worldwide show that approximately 80 percent of an estimated 27 million refugees and displaced persons today are women or children. Yet this percentage stands in stark contrast to statistics that reveal that in 1998, for example, only 17.8 percent of United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR)-assisted refugees in South Africa were female. Also, according to the ‘Gender Policy Statement’, recently released by the Department of Justice, it is estimated that women constitute only five percent of those who have been formally granted refugee status in South Africa. This troubling disparity is not restricted to South Africa only. Although it is known that the majority of refugees are women, as a general rule, refugee women have not been afforded anything like the protection offered refugee men in refugee-receiving countries throughout the globe, particularly in the developed world. Until the last decade, refugees were considered male almost by default; refugee women and children were recognised only as part of a ‘family package’. Gender considerations - including the realisation that women might be at especial risk - are relatively new. (excerpt)
Agenda. 2003; (55):4-14.This article has attempted to show that both nationalist discourses and the asylum policy that they inform rely heavily on the notion of the public (men’s) sphere and the private (women’s) sphere as binary opposites. Although women’s movements have led to major changes in the asylum legislation and practice, these changes have yet to significantly challenge the public/private dichotomy on which the creation of additional gender guidelines to supplement asylum legislation rests. I would suggest that future feminist analyses need to challenge the binary of ‘typical dissident’ and ‘special woman’ if asylum legislation is to better serve women and to see all asylum cases as gendered ie recognise that men’s activities in times of conflict draw on and reinforce women’s assumed activities and vice versa. In order to do this, there is a need to challenge the universal constructions of refugees (and refugee women) and the consequences thereof rather than essentialising identities and reifying these same categories. It is necessary to continually and critically reflect on the ways in which legislation that operates at a national (and often universal) level will inevitably privilege some identities over others. Although the South African gender guidelines call for recognition of women’s varied roles, they (and indeed much refugee policy that targets women) espouse a universal humanism that recognises certain bases of difference, which is seen most clearly in the categorisation of possible kinds of women’s involvement into those activities that fall within the public realm of ‘typical political dissident’ and those that fall within the category of ‘special woman’s case’. It is within this universal, humanist approach that most refugee policy currently exists. (excerpt)
Monday Developments. 2003 Jul 28; 21(13):6, 8.The familiar image of the poor African woman with her starving child, or the woman infected with HIV, needs to give way to a more vibrant image of African women's importance in the economy and society, she said. We want you to see African women as key actors, solving problems -- over-coming poverty; obtaining an education; demanding quality health care; and insisting on peace and security-- not only for their families and communities but also as a matter of national policy," stressed Zeitlin. (excerpt)
Afghanistan. "Killing you is a very easy thing for us": human rights abuses in southeast Afghanistan.
New York, New York, Human Rights Watch, 2003 Jul. 102 p. (Vol. 15, No. 5(C))This report, based on research conducted from January through June 2003, documents human rights abuses in the southeast of Afghanistan, the most densely populated part of Afghanistan. If allowed to continue with impunity, these abuses will make it impossible for Afghans to create a modern, democratic state. Although many observers have noted the harmful effects of chronic insecurity in Afghanistan, few have sufficiently appreciated the extent to which continuing insecurity, at its heart, is due to policies and depredations of local government actors. Human Rights Watch found evidence of government involvement or complicity in abuses in virtually every district in the southeast. These include the provinces of Kabul, Wardak, Ghazni, Logar, Paktia, Paktika, Laghman, Nangarhar, Kapisa, and Kunar. The three main types of abuse documented in this report are violent criminal offenses—armed robbery, extortion, and kidnappings—committed by army troops, police, and intelligence agents; governmental attacks on media and political actors; and violations of the human rights of women and girls. Many of these violations are preventable, but solutions will require the concerted attention and action of international and Afghan authorities alike, which to date has not been sufficiently forthcoming. The report details specific accounts of the daily abuses suffered by Afghans: farmers in Paghman district in Kabul province staying awake at night in shifts to guard their property from thieving soldiers and police; bus and taxi drivers from Gardez in Paktia province being hijacked or beaten for not paying bribes to soldiers and police; people in Jalalabad being arbitrarily arrested by police or soldiers, accused of bogus crimes or “being a member of the Taliban,” and freed only after they or their family pay a ransom. It documents arbitrary arrests of and death threats against journalists by intelligence agents, police, and army officials, and detentions and intimidation of political opponents by government forces. It explains that many girls in areas such as Ghazni and Paghman are still unable go to school, and why women in areas such as Laghman fear attacks by local armed men if they speak about or promote women’s rights. These abuses are impeding the delivery of humanitarian aid and keeping some refugees and internally displaced persons from returning to their homes. The accumulation of cases, from an array of districts, demonstrates the problem’s pervasiveness and urgency. (excerpt)
In: Women's human rights: unfinished business, edited by Adriana Gomez and Deborah Meacham. Santiago, Chile, Latin American and Caribbean Women's Health Network, 2003. 10-14. (Women's Health Collection No. 7)The legal and political realms of international women's rights have both influenced each other more than criminal law. Developments in the protection of human rights through criminal law is a recent phenomenon compared to the wider framework of women's human rights protection. Although the political recommendations, such as those found in Platforms for Action, do not have the force of law, they do provide a starting point for working towards the goal of agreements on the commitments and priorities not only between the governments, but with civil society as well. However, these processes have not been without conflict, and the dialogue with civil society has incorporated other movements and NGOs whose interests are far from consistent with those of the women's movement. (excerpt)