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[Unpublished] 1992. Presented at the International Conference on Population and Development [ICPD], 1994, Expert Group Meeting on Population and Women, Gaborone, Botswana, June 22-26, 1992. 38 p. (ESD/P/ICPD.1994/EG.III/13)The role of women's education in fertility and its proximate determinants was approached by first discussing the trends in literacy and school enrollment by gender. The subsequent discussion revealed the trends in direct relationships between education and fertility and education's influence on women's situation. The intervening mechanisms of supply of children, demand for children, unmet need for contraception, and fertility regulation were each discussed. Developing countries have a diversity of cultures, development, and fertility levels, but consistently strong patriarchal systems. Women have the least control over their lives in South Asia and among Muslims. Female literacy and school enrollment also show wide variation worldwide. Analysis of over 100 developing countries found strong inverse correlations between education and fertility, in general, but some variation in specific settings. The dynamic followed an initial fertility increase with increased education (curvilinear relationship), and then, at higher national development levels, an inverse relationship. Threshold levels were needed before fertility declined. Differences narrowed as development level increased. Female education had a stronger impact on fertility than male education or other household socioeconomic characteristics. Education affects women's situation through 1) decision making autonomy, 2) control over resources, 3) knowledge and exposure to the modern world, and 4) husband-wife closeness. Education indirectly affected fertility by delaying entry into marriage, by reducing breast feeding duration and intensity, by lack of observance of traditional postpartum taboos, and by lower infant and child mortality. Better educated women had later marriage, shorter periods of postpartum abstinence, shorter breast feeding periods, and greater use of health care. Societies which maintained female seclusion and strong son preference had reduced returns from improved female education. Education affected deliberate changes in behavior and adoption of smaller family size preferences. Son preference was only weakly eroded by increased education. Better educated women were not as reliant on children for labor or support in old age, although better educated women continued to desire old age economic security. Usually unmet need for contraception was inversely related to maternal education.
In: International Population Conference / Congres International de la Population, Montreal 1993, 24 August - 1st September. Volume 1, [compiled by] International Union for the Scientific Study of Population [IUSSP]. Liege, Belgium, IUSSP, 1993. 593-603.Using data collected in cooperation with the World Fertility Surveys (WFS) and the Demographic and Health Surveys (DHS) the aim was to determine the levels, age patterns, and trends of sterility in benin, Burundi, Cameroon, Ghana, Ivory Coast, Kenya, Lesotho, Liberia, Mali, Mauritania, Nigeria, Senegal, Sudan, Togo, and Uganda. In sub-Saharan Africa, 10 countries completed a WFS survey from 1977 to 1982. From 1986 to 1991 a DHS survey was carried out in 13 countries. In Sudan, Lesotho and Mauritania only ever married women were eligible for interview. All women (generally age 15-49) were eligible in the rest of the sub-Saharan countries. The selected samples included women who had been sexually active at least 5 years. Subsequently the levels and range patterns of sterility were estimated for each country and by produce within each country. The inhibiting effect of sterility on fertility was also assessed. Age-specific rates of sterility were estimated by the subsequently infertile estimator. At age 34, the proportions sterile reached .41 in Cameroon, .11 in Burundi, and intermediate levels in the rest of the countries. Burundi had the lowest prevalence of sterility at all ages, Cameroon had the highest up to about age 42, and at older ages Sudan and Lesotho ranked highest. In general, sterility rose moderately up to age 35 and then more rapidly after age 40. Sterility was particularly prevalent along major rivers, lakes, and coastal areas. Sterility was relatively high around Lake Victoria as well as in the Coast region of Kenya in 1977-78. Primary sterility was less than 3% in Burundi, Ghana, Kenya, Togo, and in Ondo state, Nigeria; 3-5% in Lesotho, Liberia, Mali, and Nigeria (1990), Senegal, Sudan (1989-90) and Uganda; and 5% or more in Cameroon, Nigeria (1981-82), and Sudan (1978-79). Differential disease patterns caused the most variation in age-specific rates of sterility. Under the hypothesis of Burundi levels of age specific sterility and unchanged fertility, and African woman in the age range from 20 to 44 would have an additional .5 to 2 children.
FINANCE AND DEVELOPMENT. 1992 Mar; 54-6.20 years of research has established that the economic and social benefits of women's primary and secondary schooling are far reaching. The more educated a population's women are, the fewer children they have, and the ones they do have are healthier. However, social tradition and other economic considerations often force families to exclude young girls from education in favor of boys. The safety of young girls is one consideration as well as their value as household labor. There is also a false impression that the good of the community is served if boys are educated, but not so the same for girls. Evidence has been complied to show that in populations where women are more educated, the level of poverty is lower. Because society gains by educating its girls, how can governments change the traditions that have educating its girls, how can governments change the traditions that have previously kept girls under educated? The government of Bangladesh and Guatemala have been very successful with scholarship programs at the primary and secondary level. In Bangladesh the enrollment of females in secondary school almost doubled. The program is also credited with increasing attendance of primary schools, increasing labor force participation, postponing the age of marriage and reducing fertility. Between 1972-80 there were 105 Bank assisted primary and secondary school programs. Of these 20% identified the presence of genderissues, but only 10% included significant actions to improve females enrollment. Between 1981-1991 about half of the Bank assisted programs identified the presence of gender issues, and a quarter included significant actions to improve female enrollment.
In: Quantitative approaches to analyzing socioeconomic determinants of Third World fertility trends: reviews of the literature. Project final report: overview, by Indiana University Fertility Determinants Group, George J. Stolnitz, director. [Unpublished] 1984. 79-91.Simple no-work/work distinctions are an unreliable basis for estimating causal linkages connecting female employment/work-status patterns to fertility. World Fertility Survey (WFS) data show about 3/4, 1/2, and 1/4 child differentials for over 20, 10-19, and under 10 years marital duration grouss respectively, for women employed since marriage. Effects on marriage seem strongest in Latin America and weakest in Asia. Controlling for age, marital duration, urban-rural residence, education, and husband's work status. But from the results of a number of WFS and other studies, it seems relationships of work status and fertility are difficult to confirm beyond directional indications, even in Latin America. A UN study using proximate determinants such as contraception and work status including a housework category indicated differentials in contraceptive practice were not significant net of control for education. Philippine data indicates low-income employment might increase fertility by decreasing breastfeeding, while WFS data from 5 Asian countries indicated pre-marital work encourages increased marriage age, without being specific about effects. Also, female employment must affect a large population to have a real impact on aggregate fertility, since female labor force activity is likely to change slowly if at all. Data presently available do not cover micro-level factors that may be important, such as effects of work on breastfeeding, nor do they lend themselves to examination by multi-equation analysis. More work is needed to isolate effects of work-status attributes like male employment, and to analyze intra-cohort mid-course fertility objective changes, as well as new theoretical process models such as competing time use and maternal role incompatibility.
The changing roles of women and men in the family and fertility regulation: some labour policy aspects
In: Family and population. Proceedings of the "Scientific Conference on Family and Population," Espoo, Finland, May 25-27, 1984, edited by Hellevi Hatunen. Helsinki, Finland, Vaestoliitto, 1984. 62-83.There is growing evidence that labor policies, such as those advocated by the International Labor Organization (ILO), promote changes in familial roles and that these changes in turn have an impact on fertility. A conceptual model describing these linkages is offered and the degree to which the linkages hypothesized in the model are supported by research findings is indicated. The conceptual model specifies that: 1) as reliance on child labor declines, through the enactment of minimum age labor laws, the economic value of children declines, and parents adopt smaller family size ideals; 2) as security increases for the elderly, through the provision of social security and pension plans, the elderly become less dependent on their children, and the perceived need to produce enough children to ensure security in old age is diminished; and 3) as sexual equality in job training and employment and the availability of flexible work schedules increase, sexual equality in the domestic setting increases, and women begin to exert more control over their own fertility. ILO studies and many other studies provide considerable evidence in support of these hypothesized linkages; however, the direction or causal nature of some of the associations has not been established. Development levels, rural or urban residence, and a number of other factors also appear to influence many of these relationships. Overall, the growing body of evidence accords well with ILO programs and instruments which promote: 1) the enactment of minimum age work laws to reduce reliance on child labor, 2) the establishment of social security systems and pension plans to promote the economic independence of the elderly, 3) the promotion of sexual equality in training programs and employment; 4) the promotion of the idea of sexual equality in the domestic setting; and 5) the establishment of employment policies which do not unfairly discriminate against workers with family responsibilities.