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Right to education during displacement: a resource for organizations working with refugees and internally displaced persons.
New York, New York, Women' s Commission for Refugee Women and Children, 2006.  p.This resource is the first in a series of tools that identifies everyone's right to education, with a focus on refugees, returnees and internally displaced persons (IDP). This version is designed for use by local, regional and international organizations, United Nations (UN) agencies, government agencies and education personnel working with displaced communities. Is it mean to serve as: an awareness raising tool to encourage humanitarian assistance agencies to implement education programs - and donors to found them; training and capacity-building resource for practitioners and others working with displaced populations on international rights around education; and a call to action for organizations and individuals to promote access and completion of quality education for all persons affected by emergencies. (excerpt)
Adding a gender dimension to economic decision-making - includes related article on economic aspects of women's unpaid work - Fourth World Conference on Women - Cover Story.
UN Chronicle. 1995 Jun; 32(2): p..Women hold a meagre 1 per cent of executive positions in the 1,000 largest corporations based outside the United States. The proportion is higher, at 8 per cent, in the 1,000 largest corporations in the United States, but only a handful of women hold the top-most positions, according to a recent study by the UN Secretariat Division for the Advancement of Women. The same is true for the web of powerful global and regional multi-lateral institutions, where "women have been virtually excluded from key decision-making positions and from negotiating roles", as well as national trade policy, where the proportion of women is "insignificant", asserts Secretary-General Boutros Boutros- Ghali in a 1994 report. The result: the proportion of women in economic decision-making is not only "very low", states the report, but also "a gender dimension has been absent from macroeconomic policies and decisions regarding resource distribution, wealth creation and exchange". (excerpt)
Exploitation of women workers in family enterprises decried - United Nations Committee on the Elimination of Discrimination against Women.
UN Chronicle. 1991 Jun; 28(2): p..Women who work in family enterprises without payment are being exploited, the Committee on the Elimination of Discrimination against Women (CEDAW) declared, calling for guaranteed payment, social security and social benefits for them. As it concluded its tenth annual session (21 January-1 February, New York), the Committee also recommended that the value of women's domestic work be added to countries' gross national products. Nations should provide information on disabled women and on measures taken to ensure equal access for them to education, employment, health services and social security. The 23-member watchdog body monitors how countries implement the 1979 Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women. (excerpt)
Africa Recovery. 1999 Sep; 13(2): p..The fact that half of the world's population lives in poverty today, up from one-quarter 25 years ago, is an "inescapable blot" on the record of human progress, remarked UN Secretary-General Kofi Annan in his opening address before the 1999 session of the UN Economic and Social Council (ECOSOC). Poverty eradication was the overarching theme of the entire ECOSOC session, held in Geneva from 5- 30 July. The Secretary-General's report on "The role of employment and work in poverty eradication: the empowerment and advancement of women," provided the sub-theme for discussions during the ECOSOC session's opening (high-level) segment, held from 5-8 July. People living in sub-Saharan Africa are the most deeply mired in poverty, with incomes the furthest below the poverty line worldwide, observes Mr. Annan's report. Moreover, the number of absolute poor continues to rise while the "face of poverty" is changing: in the next century, a poor person will more likely be an unskilled female earning low wages and living in urban Africa or Latin America than a male small-holder living in rural Asia. Therefore, strategies designed to combat the discrimination and disadvantage faced by women "must be central to successful poverty reduction," the report says. (excerpt)
A demographic perspective on women in development in Cambodia, Lao People's Democratic Republic, Myanmar and Viet Nam.
New York, New York, United Nations, 1998. xvi, 135 p. (Asian Population Studies Series No. 148)The selection of Cambodia, the Lao People's Democratic Republic, Myanmar and Viet Nam for inclusion in the study was based on a number of considerations. The ESCAP secretariat has undertaken the publication of country profiles of women in 16 other countries, namely Bangladesh, China, Fiji, India, Indonesia, Islamic Republic of Iran, Japan, Nepal, Pakistan, the Philippines, the Republic of Korea, Samoa, Solomon Islands, Sri Lanka, Thailand and Vanuatu. The four countries included in this study, while exhibiting significant social and cultural differences, are all located in South-East Asia; they are the four least developed countries in South-East Asia on most indicators; and their economies are in transition to more open, market-oriented economies, In each of the four countries, women have traditionally played an important social role marked by considerable gender equity. Equal inheritance among children is possible, and often the norm. In the Lao People's Democratic Republic, for example, husbands traditionally move to the household of their wife and the youngest daughter inherits the family home. The proportion of households headed by women is substantial in all four countries, and quite high in Cambodia and Viet Nam. Female labour force participation rates exceed those of men in Cambodia and the Lao People's Democratic Republic, and the female labour force is larger than the male labour force in Viet Nam. (excerpt)
Monday Developments. 2003 Jun 9; 21(10):13.Education alone is not sufficient to reach gender equality, the third of the Millennium Development Goals”, Sarah Newhall, president of Pact and co-chair of InterAction's Commission on the Advancement of Women, told the annual CAW breakfast. Education is a necessary but insufficient action to achieve gender equality," she said. While recognizing that the inclusion of "gender equity testifies to the power and impact of the global women's movement," June Zeitlin, CEO of the Women's Economic Development Organization, noted that the remaining seven Millennium goals are presented as "gender neutral." The Millennium Development Goals were adopted by heads of state in 2000 as a global development framework. (excerpt)
Female employment in Afghanistan: a study of decree # 8. Inter-agency task force study on Taliban decree and its implications.
[New York, New York], Inter-Agency Taliban Edict Task Force, 2001 Feb 6. 61 p.This document presents an analysis by the Inter-Agency Taliban Edict Task Force of Decree #8, which is focused on female employment in Afghanistan. Findings note that difficulties with female employment in the country did not begin and will not end with the Taliban, but are a deeply ingrained feature of Afghan society. The decree serves as a warning to those who would even indirectly challenge the Taliban's views on gender, Kabul women, women's morality and ownership of that morality.
Washington, D.C., World Bank, 1999 Dec. viii, 113 p. (World Bank Discussion Paper No. 411; Europe and Central Asia Gender and Development Series)This collection of papers was selected from the proceedings of the World Bank conference held on June 7-8, 1999 in Washington District of Colombia. The conference entitled, "Making the Transition Work for Women in Europe and Central Asia," underlined the importance of gender as a factor influencing change during the shift from a command to a market economy. Women, who were invited to the conference, from Europe spoke directly to the World Bank about their problems and to make suggestions for action. In addition, scholars from the US and Britain were also invited to express their views on the gender dimension of transition. It was pointed out that the transition is taking place without the input of women, who are consequently suffering from the change. The participants also agreed the changes also caused men to engage in domestic violence, thus causing additional problems for women. The feminization of poverty and trafficking in women were also identified as new problems that demand to be addressed. In view of these problems, the participants advised that reforms were necessary but should proceed with caution.
In: Background papers, Human Development Report 1995, [compiled by] United Nations Development Programme [UNDP]. New York, New York, UNDP, 1996. 89-104.The introduction of this background paper for the UN's 1995 Human Development Report, which examines the analytical and political visibility of the work of social reproduction, notes that social reproduction currently occupies a blank space in current economic analyses that lack a macro-framework capable of revealing the role of social reproduction of people as well as the gender and class conflicts that exist in the capitalist relationship between profit production and social reproduction. The first section of the paper discusses the difficulty of integrating domestic work into economic analysis in a way that acknowledges the differences between the production of commodities and the reproduction of the species. Section 2 places the sector and process of reproduction in the more systematic analytical location through use of the perspective of livelihood economies. The third section offers a classical surplus approach as a means of visualizing the conflicts inherent in the capitalist production-reproduction relationship, and this approach is used in the fourth section to locate domestic work in a macro economic analysis. Section 5 presents the present structuring of the global labor markets as the context in which reproduction and paid/unpaid labor must be analyzed, and section 6 assesses the gender policies of the World Bank to determine their capacity for challenging mainstream theories. The final section argues for a strategic policy of reversing the direction of the production-reproduction relationship by making production and markets responsible and accountable institutions that contribute to human welfare.
WORLD OF WORK. 1996 Sep-Oct; (17):4-7.Despite expanded global female employment (45% of women aged 15-64 years are economically active), women still comprise 70% of the world's 1 billion people living in poverty. Moreover, women's economic activities remain largely confined to low-wage, low-productivity forms of employment. A report by the International Labor Organization (ILO), prepared as a follow-up to the Fourth World Conference on Women and the World Summit for Social Development, identified discrimination in education as a central cause of female poverty and underemployment. Each additional year of schooling is estimated to increase a woman's earnings by 15%, compared to 11% for a man. At the workplace, women face inequalities in terms of hiring and promotion standards, access to training and retraining, access to credit, equal pay for equal work, and participation in economic decision making. In addition, even women in higher-level jobs in developing countries spend 31-42 hours per week in unpaid domestic activities. The ILO has concluded that increasing employment opportunities for women is not a sufficient goal. Required are actions to improve the terms and conditions of such employment, including equal pay for work of equal value, improved occupational safety and health, enhanced security in informal or atypical forms of work, guarantees of freedom of association and the right to organize and bargain collectively, and appropriate maternity protection and child care provisions. Finally, taxation and social welfare policies must be rewritten to accommodate the reality that women are no longer the dependent or secondary earner in families.
WORLD OF WORK. 1995 May-Jun; (12):12-4.Some people produce goods or provide services for an employer or contractor at a place of the worker's choosing. Such work is often undertaken in the worker's home, thus leading to the labeling of such work as home work. There is no direct supervision by the employer or contractor and the employer-employee relationship is difficult to establish. As a category of workers, homeworkers are among the most exploited because they belong to the unorganized sector, accepting pay rates which tend to be well below going rates for even unskilled labor. Indeed, extremely low compensation is the most crucial single issue facing homeworkers. Wages are almost universally based upon the piece-rate system which leads to excessively long working hours, the employment of many unpaid assistants, and child labor. Homeworkers are outside the scope of existing social security schemes and are cut off from the enterprise by a network of agents, contractors, and middlemen. 90% of homeworkers are women. Prevalent though home work may be in both urban and rural areas, the deregulation of labor markets, the globalization of production, and the development of regional trade agreements are causing an increase in the number of homeworkers worldwide. The International Labor Organization recognizes homeworkers as a category of workers in need of special assistance and has taken practical action and adopted viable strategies to improve their situation. The organization even envisages the adoption of a convention to guarantee them minimum protection.
In: Changing perceptions: writings on gender and development, edited by Tina Wallace with Candida March. Oxford, England, Oxfam, 1991. 8-11.The Nairobi Forward-Looking Strategies for the Advancement of Women (FLS) were endorsed by all UN member governments in 1985. Despite this, many women believe that the FLS will only be implemented if pressure is applied to governments. The FLS identify many obstacles to development including the economic dependence of many developing nations on developed nations, the channeling of funds into the purchase of arms, and racial and intertribal discrimination. In order to forward the process of integrating women in development, the FLS stress that women must be included at every level of decision making. In the field of employment, governments should legislate improvements for women. Laws should protect women's employment rights, equity, and ability to achieve economic self-reliance. Primary health care for women should be promoted, women should be able to control their own fertility, and women should be given a key role in the planning of sanitation and water projects. More women should be trained to become involved in the health process. Finally, women must have access to education and training at all levels. Education should also be used to eradicate stereotyped views of women. This summary covers only a fraction of the changes recommended in the FLS which will only be accomplished through a major change in the status of women. Women everywhere should pressure their governments to fulfill the commitments made in the FLS.
[Unpublished] 1992. Presented at the International Conference on Population and Development [ICPD], 1994, Expert Group Meeting on Population and Women, Gaborone, Botswana, June 22-26, 1992. 5 p. (ESD/P/ICPD.1994/EG.III/DN.3)Although demographic transition theory has been a useful framework for explaining fertility decline, the model does not work as expected in Africa. Mortality has declined in general, but infant and child mortality rates have remained high in Africa. Research is lacking in detailed specification of the relationship between fertility measures (fertility, women's morbidity and mortality, and child survival) and women's activities. The status of women was found to be highly correlated with proximate determinants of fertility in Africa. African women are responsible for 75% of the food produced and spend 60-80% of their time in agricultural work that is considered family labor. Because of the heavy work burden, African women may not have sufficient time to care for children, which results in high infant and child mortality. Women's work in traditional sectors involved cultivation, land clearing, trading, and related agricultural activities. Gender differences were evident in men's preoccupation with cash crops. In the modern sector women had a higher educational level, and the number of modern wage workers was limited. Modernization was found to be slow within agriculture, and women were less inclined to have access to modern techniques. African women can be grouped meaningfully into 1) those who are illiterate or have only a primary education and live in rural areas or in peripheral urban areas with traditional sector work and 2) those who work in the lowest jobs in the modern sector. Fertility was lowest in the second group. Researchers who have linked women's status to fertility and found that high rates of modernization for women have resulted in lower fertility have found the experiences of African women to be different. African women still place great value on high fertility and derive prestige, economic returns, and social security from large families. Boserup has explained the relationship between traditional employment and fertility most convincingly. The African system of production and land tenure, frequent polygyny, and large families favored wealth among large families rather than small. Marriage age remained low and remarriages occurred quickly, which resulted in a long reproductive period. Economic and social development were considered key factors affecting fertility decline. The adoption of the Lagos Plan of Action and the Kilimanjaro Program of Action would increase women's status and contribute to reducing women's burden.
Relationship between women's economic activity and fertility and child care in low-fertility countries.
[Unpublished] 1992. Presented at the International Conference on Population and Development [ICPD], 1994, Expert Group Meeting on Population and Women, Gaborone, Botswana, June 22-26, 1992. 44 p. (ESD/P/ICPD.1994/EG.III/17)A review of trends in women's labor force participation in 31 low fertility countries and a case study of Japan were provided and discussed. The policy implications for child care and research needs were identified. Countries generally had below replacement fertility of 2.1 children per woman. Only New Zealand, Sweden, Poland, and the former Soviet Union had above replacement fertility levels in 1989. The lowest fertility was in southern European countries, which had lower levels of economic development and social welfare. Both East Asian and European countries have used similar economic and demographic measures to reduce fertility. These measures included declines in infant and child mortality, universal education, decline of religious authority, decline of patriarchal family systems, equality and emancipation of women, and consumer oriented culture. The declining fertility in Europe reflected changes in life styles and post-materialism, whereas Inglehart indicated people's affluence has reduced the worry about satisfying basic needs. Many studies have affirmed the inverse relationship between family size and the extent of female economic activity. Female wage workers were found to have lower fertility than nonworking women. The relationships between employment and fertility in inter-country comparisons were not clear cut at any point in time or historically. For example, in 1975, Italy had above replacement fertility and now has the lowest fertility in Europe. Countries with the highest proportion of women in the labor force did not have the lowest fertility. A 1987/88 Italian national survey found that fertility was low because of the high cost of raising children, the uncertain future for children, maternal work, and an economic and employment crisis. UN reasoning was that, among other factors, dramatic social changes caused insecurity and child care was inadequate. Perez and Livi-Bacci have argued that structural characteristics have led to low fertility. Sweden, where women's status is the highest, had higher fertility due in part to indirect pronatalist measures. East Asian fertility decline was attributed to remarkable economic development, women's educational advancement, increased women's employment, increased age at first marriage, costly children's education, mass consumption desires, and Confucian tradition. Relationships between women's work and fertility were confounded by intermittent work patterns and often part-time work.
[Unpublished] 1992. Presented at the International Conference on Population and Development [ICPD], 1994, Expert Group Meeting on Population and Women, Gaborone, Botswana, June 22-26, 1992. 17 p. (ESD/P/ICPD.1994/EG.III/16)Commentary was provided on the relationship between women's work and child health and Item 8(b) in the Provisional Agenda of the International Conference on Population and Development. A negative relationship was observed between maternal work and child health. The implications for state intervention involved the quality of child care services provided, proximity of work to home and child care, and the availability and use of labor saving devices for women. Child care is a viable option for all working women, with the exception of breast feeding women. Although the emphasis was on discussing the implications for child health, research must also be directed to understanding the nature and extent of the impact on women's health. The measurement of women's work has research constraints. Anker, Ghosh, and Gupta have argued that all women's work should be counted because of its economic cost, if obtained from the work place. However this definition would make it difficult to measure the impact of women's wage employment. When wage employment is the defined measure, women's work as unpaid family work, home-based production, and service sector activity is underrepresented. There is also question about the importance of measuring changing perceptions, knowledge and values associated with women's independence rather than strictly the extent of wage work. Individual women's work is also as important as the extent of female activity in the larger community. Comparisons should be made between working and nonworking women who choose to stay at home and nonworking women who are secluded and denied, by their culture, participation in the work force or even movement outside the home. Some positive features of women's work were identified as increased income, greater control over household resources, greater access to knowledge which afforded more efficient use of resources, and diminished emphasis on son preference. Cultural seclusion can have a negative influence on child health by restricting treatment. Working women with lower fertility would have a higher proportion of first births and shorter birth intervals, which would increase risk. The most important negative impact of women's work is the reduced duration of breast feeding, shortened birth intervals, decreased time for child care, and lower-quality substituted care.
[Unpublished] 1992. Presented at the International Conference on Population and Development [ICPD], 1994, Expert Group Meeting on Population and Women, Gaborone, Botswana, June 22-26, 1992. 9 p. (ESD/P/ICPD.1994/EG.III/DN.7)Women's equality has been advanced by the UN since 1946. The 1992 World Population Plan of Action drew attention to the issues of women's advancement in education and employment. The justification was the lack of opportunities for women and the implications for population dynamics. Empirical evidence by Murdock in 1982 provided support for the strong correlation between women's education and fertility decline. Mason in 1984 asserted that women's education affects fertility by postponing marriage age and childbearing, providing employment opportunities, and giving greater domestic power in decision making. Cochrane and Ware reported twenty ways in which education affects fertility. In Asia, Hull found that improved education at low levels raised fertility initially by improving health and lowering marital stability. Kirk in 1971 found that educational improvement had a dramatic impact in Muslim countries. Studies in Pakistan and Bangladesh have found that male educational improvement can raise fertility. A primary effect of education was determined to be an earlier end to childbearing. The inverse relationship between fertility and level of women's education was established by Goldstein (1972), Rodrigez and Cleland (1980), and Jain (1981). The relationship between women's employment and fertility in developing countries has been shown by Selvaratnam (1988) to be weak; stronger inverse correlations were related to urban and modernized developing societies. The inverse relationship between employment and fertility was supported only in nondomestic, nonfamilial, and nonagricultural work. Urban women were found to be more likely to be exposed to family planning ideas and access to contraception and to have incompatible roles with childrearing. The opportunity cost of children was found to be high in urban wage employment settings. Rural women may not be able to avail themselves of work opportunities because of the domestic burden and child rearing. Day care centers are not generally available and support networks must be relied upon. Large family size may be a pressure for work in order to increase income. Development efforts must recognize that women's status and role cannot be treated as separate from their demographic role. Women's role in development should not be equated with employment of women.
ANNUAL REVIEW OF POPULATION LAW. 1989; 16:136, 557-8.Resolution No. 44/75, December 8, 1989 of the UN General Assembly calling for the Improvement of the Status of Women in the Secretariat begins by remembering the relevant paragraphs of the Nairobi Forward-looking Strategies for the Advancement of Women, in which importance is attached to the appointment of women at senior decision-making and managerial levels, with the deployment of a senior-level officer in a position designated as the focal point for women in the office of the Assistant Secretary-General for Human Resources Management, to be responsible for all aspects of the action program for the improvement of the status of women in the Secretariat; the resolution also remembers past resolutions pertaining to the improvement of the status of women in the Secretariat, as well as other relate resolutions, decisions, and reports, such as the October 1989 report of the Secretary-General on the composition of the Secretariat, in which 22 of 24 Under-Secretary-General positions are held by men, that 17 of 17 Assistant Secretary General positions are held by men, that 78 of 85 D-2 positions are held by men, and that 220 of 235 D-1 positions are held by men. The resolution request the Secretary-General to intensify his efforts to increase the number of women employed throughout the UN system, particularly in senior policy-level and decision-making posts, in order to achieve an overall rate of participation by women of 30% by 1990; it requests renewed efforts to ensure equitable representation of women from developing countries in posts subject to geographical distribution; reiterates its request to Member States to continue to support efforts of the UN and its specialized agencies to increase the proportions of women in the Professional categories, nominate more women candidates, and encourage women to apply for vacant posts, and requests the Secretary-General to submit to the General Assembly at its 45th session an outline of a program for the improvement of the status of women in the Secretariat for the period 1991-1995.
In: Labour force participation and development. 2nd ed., [by] Guy Standing. Geneva, Switzerland, International Labour Office, 1981. 165-206.The constraining influence of fertility and the associated demand for childcare time have often been considered to be the principal determinants of female labor force participation. International organizations, academics, and planners in low-income countries have therefore tended to enthusiastically support policies designed to accelerate the growth of female labor force in hopes of slowing the rate of population growth. While much research has been conducted on the topic, recent research casts doubts on the inverse relationship between female labor force participation and fertility. Some hold that the relationship, if it exists, depends upon the type of employment. This paper explores whether fertility constrains female labor force participation and if so, when and to what extent; whether female participation depresses fertility and if so, what type of participation is most likely to do so; and what is the nature of the relationship, if any. Sections consider the theoretical framework of fertility, participation, and the opportunity costs of time; evidence on empirical relationships in industrialized economies; the effect of empirical relationships on the influence of female participation on fertility in low-income countries; and evidence from low-income countries on fertility as a constraint on female labor force participation. Analysis uncovered mixed evidence from empirical analyzes which are often methodologically questionable and based on inadequate data. It was nonetheless concluded that the general demand for childcare time is less constraining on female participation in rural areas and where domestic employment predominates; and an inverse relationship is more likely in urban-industrial areas although it remains unclear whether or not the effect is greater for women with relatively low opportunity wages.
[Integration of women in development. Panel-forum] Integracion de la mujer al desarrollo. Panel-foro.
[Guatemala City], Guatemala, APROFAM, 1989. 53 p.This document contains papers from a 1989 forum Integration of Women in Development presented in Guatemala City under the sponsorship of the Association for Family Welfare (APROFAM), the National Office for Women, the Ministry of Labor and Social Insurance, and the Interamerican Commission on Women. The 1st paper, on application of the strategies of Nairobi and their impact on the current situation of women, is followed by 4 others that examine women and health, employment, education, and culture. The analysis of application of the strategies of Nairobi begins with a review of the creation and history of the UN, which is intended to provide perspective on the Decade for Women. A resolution of the UN General Assembly declared 1976-85 the Decade for Women, with the themes of equality, development, and peace and the subthemes of employment, health, and education. The 1985 conference in Nairobi and its papers serve as a mark of reference for monitoring the progress of women at the national and international levels. Programs for promoting the role of women in development of the UN Development Program, the UN Fund for Development of Women, the UN Population Fund, and UNICEF are described. It is clear that, despite widespread agreement with the strategies of Nairobi, the question of how best to structure practical programs for impoverished women in development remains to be resolved. The discussion of women and health focuses on the relationship between socioeconomic factors and health, the special health needs of fertile-aged women and their impact on infant and child health, and the role of women in maintaining and improving the health of the entire population. The section on women and employment traces the roots of unequal access to employment for women in Guatemala, assesses the significance of employment from various socioeconomic and human perspectives, presents some data on female employment in Guatemala, and makes some recommendations for future policies and interventions to promote greater employment opportunities for Guatemalan women. The section on women and education points out that the average Guatemalan has had 2.9 years of schooling and then discusses the repercussions of educational status on development. The final section, on women and culture, briefly examines different definitions of culture and the role of culture as a factor in development, and assesses the participation of women in cultural development in Guatemala.
Development. 1989; (4):49-51.In 1970, the United Nations adopted a long-term women's advancement program and other initiatives to raise consciousness on women's issues and to identify appropriate actions to take in promoting gender equality and women's integration in development. Setting its objective as equality between the sexes by the year 2000, the Nairobi Forward Looking Strategies is also a UN system-wide medium-term plan with specific activities to implement over the period 1990-95. These UN actions have, therefore, prepared the way for women's advancement in the 1990s and beyond. Efforts do, however, need to be made to build upon and expand these initiatives to facilitate the total integration, participation, and recognition of women in the social, economic, and political lives of countries throughout the world. Present UN strategy suffers from multiple focal points, a diffused mandate, limited financial resources, and inadequate interaction with national governments. The development of an UN Special Agency for Women's Development is suggested as a way of solidly propelling women ahead toward globally-recognized equality and greater overall opportunity. This agency would be the umbrella over existing and future related programs and activities, armed with a clear and specific mandate, an independent executive board, an independent fundraising ability, institutional arrangements to undertake in-country projects, and field offices.
Socio-economic development and fertility decline: an application of the Easterlin synthesis approach to data from the World Fertility Survey: Colombia, Costa Rica, Sri Lanka and Tunisia.
New York, New York, United Nations, 1991. ix, 115 p. (ST/ESA/SER.R/101)The relationship between fertility decline and development is explored for Colombia, Costa Rica, Sri Lanka, and Tunisia. The study applies Richard Easterlin and Eileen Crimmins; theoretical and empirical approach to analyzing World Fertility Survey (WFS) data in a comparative context. The paper specifically questions the strengths and weaknesses of the Easterlin-Crimmins framework when applied to developing country data, and what the framework implies about comparative fertility in these countries. 3 stages in all, an analyst 1st decomposes a couple's final number of children ever born through an intermediate variables framework. Stage 2 emphasized understanding the determinants of contraceptive use, while stage 3 explains the remaining stage-1 and stage-2 variables. A model linking the supply of children, the demand for children, and the cost of contraceptive regulation results. Stage 1 results were promising, stage 2 results were less encouraging, while stage 3 revealed a theoretically incomplete approach employing empirically weak WFS data. While the Easterlin-Crimmins approach may be promising, econometric, theoretical, and data quality and collection improvements are necessary. Among stage-3 variables open to manipulation, higher socioeconomic status was associated with delayed age at 1st marriage, lower infant and child death rates, lower numbers of children desired, increased knowledge of contraception, and reduced levels of breastfeeding. Apart from regional differences, the educational and occupational roles of women in the countries studied were of primary importance in understanding differential fertility.
New York, New York, United Nations Population Fund [UNFPA], . , 34 p.Women are the heart of development since they control most of the nonmoney economy including subsistence agriculture, child bearing and raising, as well as play an important part in the money economy. The status of women will be crucial in determining future population growth rates. The woman's dependence offered her some protection in return for her production of sons, leading to practices which have existed for centuries and are woven into society. In developing countries women tend to marry young: 50% in Africa, 40% in Asia, and 30% in Latin America are married by the age of 18. In most societies women's social and economic standing is closely related to child bearing. In 8 out of 9 cultures there is a preference for sons over daughters and parents expect little from a girl once she is married. Childbirth anywhere has its risks but in developing countries the risks are multiplied. The youngest and oldest mothers are the most at risk. Women are normally the collectors of water and firewood. Environmental degradation forces them on long strenuous trips to get these vital resources. Migration is a growing phenomenon in the developing world. 1 in 3 households are without man because of migration. Acquired immunodeficiency syndrome is having a dramatic impact on women and their children, especially in developing countries where there is a lack of information, advice and service. Most of the health problems in developing countries could be solved by a combination of prevention and cure which centers around women since they are the providers as well as the recipients of health care. Education is a key factor since the more a women receives, the better the chances are for her children's survival. By reducing women's work load and making labor more profitable, family size might decrease which would decrease the load further. Recommendations include publicizing contributions, increasing productivity, providing family planning and health care, and expanding education and equality of opportunity for women.
[Unpublished] 1990 Jun. Paper presented at the 5th Annual International Women's Rights Action Watch (IWRAW) Conference: A Decade of the Women's Convention: Where are we? What's next?, Roosevelt Hotel, New York City, Jan. 20-22, 1990. 13 p.Egypt was one of the 1st countries to ratify and sign the Convention on the Elimination of All forms of Discrimination against Women. Women represent about 50% of the population of Egypt. The 1956 Egyptian convention gave women full political rights. It said that "all citizens are equal before the law in public rights and obligations." In 1952, 2 women were elected to the Egyptian parliament for the 1st time. In 1959, women workers gained many advantages. The 1975 social insurance law gives women many benefits. Women who work evening shifts are to be given, by law, adequate security and care. In 1979, 30 seats in Parliament were designated for women. In the last 20 years, women in employment have increased 800%. Egyptian women occupy many government posts. Egypt joined 4 important International Labor Organization conventions about women's work. Islam helped emancipate women. Islamic law lets women have ownership. Egyptian education is free for boys and girls. Human rights should be included in Egyptian school curricula. However, discrimination against women does have problems. The illiteracy rate is high, the childbirth rate, also. Prevailing customs and habits are hard to break. Women tend not to face their problems. Women make up 35% of the social workers. Many projects exist funded by different international agencies. Development in many fields in rural and urban areas is encouraged. Adult education projects and literacy projects have been started, as have centers for child day care. Vocational training centers help girls and women in cottage industries. New technologies are being introduced and various projects have been done in rural areas.
POPULATION BULLETIN OF THE UNITED NATIONS. 1989; (27):95-107.The recommendations for further action made by the International Conference on Population (Mexico City, 1984) in the area of population distribution and internal and international migration continue to be an accurate reflection of the current state of scientific and political thinking in Latin America, except for the 1 topic on which they are deficient--female migration. An increasing body of research findings demonstrates the importance of women migrants--especially women as independent migrants. The predominance of women in Latin American rural-to-urban migration flows is well known, but female majorities are found in other important flows (e.g., in some inter-urban and international flows) as well. In general, female migrants tend to be younger than their male counterparts. The kinds of employment most commonly sought by women migrants are related to their traditional roles in the home and in child-rearing. The problems faced by migrant women differ from those confronting men who migrate and vary greatly over a wide range of conditions. (author's)
Bangkok, Thailand, United Nations, Economic and Social Commission for Asia and the Pacific, 1987. xii, 282 p. (ST/ESCAP/434.)Growing worldwide recognition of the unequal participation of women in development culminated in the declaration of 1975 as International Women's Year and of the subsequent 10 years as the UN Decade for Women: Equality, Development and Peace (1976-1985). The present report summarizes the progress achieved for and by women in Asia and the Pacific during the UN Decade for Women. This report should be read critically since the coverage of the country responses to the UN Economic and Social Commission for Asia and the Pacific (ESCAP) questionnaires was uneven. The international attention directed to the issue of women and development spurred the establishment of national machineries for the promotion of women's interests in many of the Asian and Pacific countries where none had existed, and the strengthening of those already active. In Bangladesh, Indonesia, Sri Lanka, and New Zealand, the national machinery was formed at the ministerial level. In other countries, a ministry already has the task of advancing women. In other countries, focal points are positioned directly under the leadership of the head of the executive branch. In Afghanistan, China, Mongolia, and Viet Nam the responsibility has been given to the national women's organizations that emerged after radical socio-political transformations. Countries of a 4th group have attached their machineries to a sectoral ministry or organization. During the UN Decade for Women, India, Nepal, Samoa, and Thailand included for the 1st time in their planning history a separate chapter in their national development plans on the integration of women into the development process. India, Japan, Malaysia, Nepal, Pakistan, and Thailand formulated separate national plans of action for the advancement of women. In other countries, including Fiji and Vanuatu, national plans of action were drafted and submitted to their governments by non-governmental women's organizations. 17 ESCAP member countries have signed, ratified, or acceded to the UN Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination Against Women.