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The new information technologies and women: essential reflections. [La nueva tecnología de la información y la mujer: reflexiones fundamentales]
Santiago, Chile, United Nations, Economic Commission for Latin America [ECLAC], 2003 Jul. 56 p. (CEPAL - SERIE Mujer y Desarrollo No. 39)Although in Latin America and the Caribbean there is growing concern to take into account the issue of gender in public policies, this process is still embryonic and fragmented in the case of economic and technological policies. The Women and Development Unit of ECLAC is therefore implementing the project "Institutionalization of gender policies within ECLAC and sectoral ministries". The objective of this project is to strengthen technical policies, strategies, tools and capacities, both within ECLAC and in selected countries of the region, in order to encourage equity between men and women in the process and benefits of development, especially with regard to economic and labour policies. One of the activities of the project, organized by the Women and Development Unit together with the International Trade Division of ECLAC and the Centre for Women's Studies and Social Gender Relations of the University of São Paulo, was a meeting of experts on "Globalization, technological change and gender equity" in the city of São Paulo, Brazil, on 5 and 6 November 2001. The purpose of the meeting was to discuss the most relevant aspects of the opportunities and restrictions imposed by the processes of globalization and technological change, with the aim of proposing areas for research, as well as an agenda of public policies that would help to achieve equity. This document was presented as a background study for the discussion at the meeting of experts. It is clear from the text that the new technologies are taking us into a dizzy time of new exclusions, and that in addition to being a material reality they are also a discursive product with effects on institutions, public policies and individuals. The study reviews an extensive amount of theoretical literature, as well as most of the research concerning the inclusion and relationship of women in connection with the new information technologies and skills. This review identifies the major obstacle to reinforcing the potential positive impacts of the new technologies as the lack of information on how they, and especially computers, can help policies, and also individual women, to achieve their goals. It is also shown that we are dealing with two disconnected concepts: the information society and the information economy, and the gender perspective is presented as a means of linking them. As for the impact on social and gender equity, and the current digital divide, according to this document research is needed on more than access alone. There is patently a need for policies to regulate and democratize the new information and knowledge technologies, and it is important to analyze the collective imaginary that is being constructed around them and the different forms of subjectivity that the Internet is encouraging, within a perspective of the future and of changes in social relations. (author's)
Monday Developments. 2003 Jul 28; 21(13):6, 8.The familiar image of the poor African woman with her starving child, or the woman infected with HIV, needs to give way to a more vibrant image of African women's importance in the economy and society, she said. We want you to see African women as key actors, solving problems -- over-coming poverty; obtaining an education; demanding quality health care; and insisting on peace and security-- not only for their families and communities but also as a matter of national policy," stressed Zeitlin. (excerpt)
Policy climate, scholarship, and provision of emergency contraception at affiliates of the International Planned Parenthood Federation in Latin America and the Caribbean.
Contraception. 2002 Feb; 65(2):143-149.Emergency contraception (EC) has great potential to decrease the incidence and resulting consequences of unwanted pregnancy, including unsafe abortion. We conducted this study to understand EC practices in Latin America and the Caribbean (LAC). We contacted 43 International Planned Parenthood Federation affiliates in LAC to interview them about EC availability. We collected family planning norms and researched registered EC products in LAC. We searched English- and Spanish-language sources to compile EC literature reviews. Thirty-seven affiliates (86%) responded to the survey, and 62% offer EC. Central and South American affiliates are more likely to offer EC than are Caribbean affiliates. Of those offering EC, 96% offer cut-up packets of oral contraceptives, whereas six affiliates offer dedicated products. Of those not offering EC, 79% believe it constitutes abortion. EC availability and support for the method appear to be increasing in LAC, and clearer distinctions between EC and abortion in medical and policy guidelines should increase acceptance further. (author's)
Women At Work. 1984; (2):1-71.This document describes the current status of maternity protection legislation in developed and developing countries and is based primarily on the findings of the International Labor Organization's (ILO's) global assessment of laws and regulations concerning working women before and after pregnancy. The global survey collected information from 18 Asian and Pacific countries, 36 African nations, 28 North and South American countries, 14 Middle Eastern countries, 19 European market economy countries, and 11 European socialist countries. Articles in 2 ILO conventions provide standards for maternity protection. According to the operative clauses of these conventions working women are entitled to 1) 12 weeks of maternity leave, 2) cash benefits during maternity leaves, 3) nursing breaks during the work day, and 4) protection against dismissal during maternity. Most countries have some qualifying conditions for granting maternity leaves. These conditions either state that a worker must be employed for a certain period of time or contributed to an insurance plan over a defined period of time before a maternity leave will be granted. About 1/2 of the countries in the Asia and Pacific region, the Americas, Africa, and in the Europe market economy group provide maternity leaves of 12 or more weeks. In all European socialist countries, women are entitled to at least 12 weeks maternity leave and in many leaves are considerably longer than 12 months. In the Middle East all but 3 countries provide leaves of less than 12 weeks. Most countries which provide maternity leaves also provide cash benefits, which are usually equivalent to 50%-100% of the worker's wages, and job protection during maternity leaves. Some countries extend job protection beyond the maternity leave. For example, in Czechoslovakia women receive job protection during pregnancy and for 3 years following the birth, if the woman is caring for the child. Nursing breaks are allowed in 5 of the Asian and Pacific countries, 30 of African countries, 18 of the countries in the Americas, 9 of the Middle East countries, 16 of European market economy countries, and in all of the European socialist countries. Several new trends in maternity protection were observed in the survey. A number of countries grant child rearing leaves following maternity leaves. In some countries these leaves can be granted to either the husband or the wife. Some countries have regulations which allow parents to work part time while rearing their children and some permit parents to take time off to care for sick children. In most of the countries, the maternity protection laws and regulations are applied to government workers and in many countries they are also applied to workers in the industrial sector. A list of the countries which have ratified the articles in the ILO convenants concerning maternity benefits is included.
In: Quantitative approaches to analyzing socioeconomic determinants of Third World fertility trends: reviews of the literature. Project final report: overview, by Indiana University Fertility Determinants Group, George J. Stolnitz, director. [Unpublished] 1984. 79-91.Simple no-work/work distinctions are an unreliable basis for estimating causal linkages connecting female employment/work-status patterns to fertility. World Fertility Survey (WFS) data show about 3/4, 1/2, and 1/4 child differentials for over 20, 10-19, and under 10 years marital duration grouss respectively, for women employed since marriage. Effects on marriage seem strongest in Latin America and weakest in Asia. Controlling for age, marital duration, urban-rural residence, education, and husband's work status. But from the results of a number of WFS and other studies, it seems relationships of work status and fertility are difficult to confirm beyond directional indications, even in Latin America. A UN study using proximate determinants such as contraception and work status including a housework category indicated differentials in contraceptive practice were not significant net of control for education. Philippine data indicates low-income employment might increase fertility by decreasing breastfeeding, while WFS data from 5 Asian countries indicated pre-marital work encourages increased marriage age, without being specific about effects. Also, female employment must affect a large population to have a real impact on aggregate fertility, since female labor force activity is likely to change slowly if at all. Data presently available do not cover micro-level factors that may be important, such as effects of work on breastfeeding, nor do they lend themselves to examination by multi-equation analysis. More work is needed to isolate effects of work-status attributes like male employment, and to analyze intra-cohort mid-course fertility objective changes, as well as new theoretical process models such as competing time use and maternal role incompatibility.
Family Coordinator. 1973 Jul; 22(3):331-8.Data collected on behalf of the Planned Parenthood/World Population (PPWP) affiliate to be used in planning a vasectomy education program came from a survey of 387 men and women in Hayward, California, to ascertain the levels of knowledge and prevalence of vasectomy and attitudes toward the operation. The sample was comprised of men and women in 3 income categories, and households were not preselected on a random basis. The survey instrument was a 1-page set of questions, primarily of the closed-ended type which the respondent completed in the presence of the interviewer. The major findings were: 1) PPWP was not identified as a source of aid; 2) most men and women have discussed vasectomy with their spouses; 3) men and women are influenced by attitudes and practices of others with regard to vasectomy; 4) physicians are seen as the main source of information about vasectomy; 5) irreversibility is the major concern of the men and women; and 6) eligible couples can be reached only by a community-side education program. Implications of the survey for a community education program are put into concrete, programmatic terms, indicating lines of direction, points of departure, and crucial ideas sometimes overlooked in service programs. It is concluded that in all areas of a community education program vasectomy should be presented as 1 or a range of alternatives, thus assuring the couple that does elect vasectomy that they really did make a free choice.