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NETWORK. 1993 May; 13(4):22-4.Social marketing is a strategy which addresses a public health problem with private-sector marketing and sales techniques. In condom social marketing programs, condoms are often offered for sale to the public at low prices. 350 million condoms were sold to populations in developing countries through such programs in 1992, and another 650 million were distributed free through public clinics. The major donors of these condoms are the US Agency for International Development, the World Health Organization, the UN Population Fund, the International Planned Parenthood Federation, the World Bank, and the European Community. This marketing approach has promoted condom use as prevention against HIV transmission and has dramatically increased the number of condoms distributed and used throughout much of Africa, Latin America, and Asia. Donors are now concerned that they will not be able to provide condoms in sufficient quantities to keep pace with rapidly rising demand. Findings in selected countries, however, suggest that people seem willing to buy condoms which are well promoted and distributed. Increasing demand for condoms may therefore be readily met through greater dependence upon social marketing programs and condom sales. Researchers generally agree that a social marketing program must change for 100 condoms no more than 1% of a country's GNP in order to sell an amount of condoms equal to at least half of the adult male population. Higher prices may be charged for condoms in countries with relatively high per-capita incomes. Since prices charged tend to be too low to cover all promotional, packaging, distribution, and logistical management costs, most condom distribution programs will have to be subsidized on an ongoing basis.
[Washington, D.C.], U.S. Agency for International Development, Bureau for Program and Policy Coordination, 1979 Apr. 43 p. (A.I.D. Program Evaluation Discussion Paper No. 4)The current state of knowledge on design, installation and maintenance of rural water supply systems is surveyed. Present statistics suggest that it may be possible to provide safe water for everyone during the 1980-1990 period designated as the International Drinking Water Decade. The results on a regional basis are uneven. Africa is making rapid progress in providing rural water supply and may equal Latin America, which had been far ahead. Southeast Asia, however, represents a major problem. More than 60% of the world's population without reasonable access to water is in this area. There are a number of evaluations underway, including studies by OECD, UNICF-WHO, IBRD, International Research Center, and a number of bilateral agencies like AID. All these evaluations have a non-hardware component of rural water programs in common. Maintaining the system once it is installed is one of the key elements in the long term success or failure of rural water schemes. There are 3 reasons for failure: 1) the technology; 2) the capability; and 3) the motivation. In many cases, lack of spare parts and motivation are to blame for system failure. There remains a need to strengthen the capacity of national water programs. Unless this takes place, there will be no sustained progress. Commitment on all levels will help insure continual success of rural water efforts. Successful programs will also require balance between hardware, community involvement, and repair and maintenence. One useful approach would be to fund programs, not projects. There are 2 activities that AID should consider: rehabilitation of existing systems and development of methodologies to measure consumer satisfaction with water systems. A need to: 1) keep abreast of technological development; 2) assess the need for manpower training; 3) encurage local manufacturers; 4) evaluate and strengthen the ability of national organizations and programs; 5) provide materials for health community involvement guidelines; and 6) collabotate and coordinate with other agencies exists.
Populi. 1985; 12(3):34-9.The US Agency for International Development (USAID) in consultation with the government of Kenya agreed in 1983 to prepare a demonstration family planning project, which would assist the private sector as well as other major nongovernment providers of health services to upgrade their health services, train and augment their nursing and other medical staff, provide family planning equipment and free contraceptives, and establish these health facilities as full-time family planning service delivery points. The Family Planning Private Sector Program (FPPS) will assist 30 private sector firms, "parastatal" organizations, and other private and nongovernment organizations that already provide health services to their workers, their dependents, and in many cases the surrounding communities to upgrade their services and add a full-time family planning facility. As some of the firms or organizations have multiple outlets, the program will create 50 or more new family planning delivery points throughout Kenya, thereby also relieving some of the pressure on government facilities. The FPPS sub-projects are to recruit at least 30,000 new acceptors. FPPS has added a guideline that at least 60% of these new acceptors be retained in the program for at least a period of 2 years. The FPPS program has received an enthusiastic reception from employers, the unions, and nongovernment organizations such as the Protestant Church Medical Association and the Seventh Day Adventists. The FPPS team can provide projects with a variety of services and funds for family planning related equipment, supplies, and activities. These include assistance with project design, training existing medical staff in family planning service delivery, the collection of baseline information, and the provision of funds for equipping family planning clinics. The government has encouraged FPPS to be innovative and to introduce family planning services into as wide a variety of health services as possible. As presently designed, the FPPS program is primarily a service delivery program but is beginning to play an increasingly dynamic role in information and education activities about family planning. From the start, the participating projects demanded assistance in spreading the family planning message to the workers, their families, and the community. It is evident that the program has stimulated management, clinic staff, and workers and has generated competition between projects to reach and exceed their targets of both new acceptors and high continuation rates.
In: [Ford Foundation]. Conference on Social Science Research on Population and Development, Ford Foundation, 1974. [New York, Ford Foundation], 1975. 283-310.This paper presents a statement of research issues and questions to which USAID intends to give major program support over the next 2 or 3 years. 2 central questions needing further research are socioeconomic correlates and determinants of fertility, and the demographic impact of family planning programs. Historically USAID has been more interested in applied than in basic research and in research where fertility is the central demographic variable. Short-term rather than long-term benefits were the results. Social science research is not oriented toward the less developed countries, especially those experiencing the most rapid rates of population growth. "A Strategy for A.I.D. Support of Social Research on Determinants of Fertility," is an attachment to the paper and outlines abstract issues and the partiuclar circumstances of each country where they may be applied in terms of a research strategy. A hierarchy of questions is presented. The first question asks how, holding all other variables constant, much of the observed variation in fertility can be dirctly attributed to family planning programs and how much can be attributed to variables other than family planning. Many writings suggest that 1 of the most powerful determinants of societal fertility is income. Other writings claim that changes in individual perceptions of the future accompanying modernization are more important factors in family planning decisions.
Family Planning Perspectives. November-December 1977; 9(6):286-292.When Margaret Sanger initiated the American birth control movement in the early twentieth century, she stressed female and sexual liberation. Victorian views on morality have since combined with the compromises necessitated to achieve legitimacy for the movement to lead to a desexualization of the birth control movement. The movement's communication now concentrates on reproduction and ignores sex; it emphasizes family planning and population control but does not mention sexual pleasure. Taboos against publicity concerning contraceptives are more powerful even than laws restricting the sale or distribution of contraceptives themselves in many countries. The movement must recover its earlier revolutionary stance.
Pasadena, California, Population Communication, . 9 p. (A Population Communication Report)This report provides short summaries of the discussions of the Population Communication sponsored meeting on the subject of fertility incentives and disincentives. The meeting's purpose was to review the current status of incentives and disincentives and to determine what donors and governments could do in designing and implementing programs. The following were among the topics covered by various participants: the urgent need for incentives; the UN Fund for Population Activities (UNFPA) analytical study of incentives; the World Bank and incentives; the US Agency for International Development Policies (AID); the Population Crisis Committee (PCC) guidelines for community incentives; research guidelines for incentives; the 1 child family goal of the People's Republic of China; the Indian experience with incentives; the Indonesian incentive program; the approach of the Philippines to incentives; the Bangladesh experiment with incentives; the Singapore Incentive Program; the Thailand Community Incentive Program; and the status of incentive programs in fertility control. Ambassador Marshall Green spoke on the need for increased focus on incentives and disincentives in population policies and programs, stressing that there are a great number of possibilities for action. The World Bank in its Indonesia III Population Project provides financing for community incentive schemes. AID has confined its incentive payments to providers of services and to some degree, the cost to acceptors, e.g., transportation. PCC has recently funded the Thailand community incentive program and will consider support for trials of the community incentive approach in other settings in Asia, Africa, and Latin America. According to Henry P. David, Director of the Transnational Family Research Institute, incentive programs should be voluntary and noncoercive, with full consideration given to local cultural conditions and the expressed needs of the community for quality of life improvements. Since the inception of the family planning program in 1951, incentives have been a part of Indian policy. Incentives and disincentives have not attracted much interest in the Philippines. There have been a few small pilot studies, but little has been done to determine how these could be implemented on a wider scale. Lenni W. Kangas reports that the lack of measurement tools no longer needs to be a major impediment to mounting community incentive efforts.