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  1. 1
    Peer Reviewed

    Reactions of developing-country elites to international population policy.

    Luke N; Watkins SC

    Population and Development Review. 2002 Dec; 28(4):707-733.

    We begin by briefly describing the shift in population policies. We then set out two theoretical frameworks expected to account for national reactions to the new policy: first, the spontaneous spread of new cultural items and the coalescence of a normative consensus about their value, and second, the directed diffusion of cultural items by powerful Western donors. We then describe our data and evaluate its quality. Subsequently, we analyze the responses of national elites in our five study countries to the Cairo agenda in terms of discourse and implementation. In our conclusion, we evaluate these responses in terms of the validity of the two theoretical frameworks. (excerpt)
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  2. 2

    Africa struggles for global attention. Concern that Iraq focus will be at continent's expense.

    Mutume G

    Africa Recovery. 2003 Jul; 17(2):10-11.

    Concern is growing among governments, policymakers and civil society groups that the international community is sidelining African priorities as it focuses on the crisis in Iraq. "My appeal to the main donors is that while they should attend to the reconstruction of Afghanistan and Iraq, Africa is also in dire need of resources to get rid of poverty, to be able to get safe water, to get education and so on;' Ugandan Finance Minister Gerald Ssendaula said during a recent visit to Washington, DC. UN Deputy Emergency Relief Coordinator Carolyn McAskie rein- forced these concerns at a New York press conference in May. Drawing attention to Africa's "forgotten emergencies," she recalled that last year international donor focus was on Afghanistan, before that Kosovo and now Iraq. (excerpt)
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  3. 3

    Behavioral interventions for the prevention of sexual transmission of HIV. [Intervenciones conductuales para la prevención de la transmisión sexual del VIH]

    Institute of Medicine. International Forum for AIDS Research

    Washington, D.C., Institute of Medicine, International Forum for AIDS Research, [1992]. 8 p.

    The fourth meeting of the International Forum for AIDS Research was organized around three overall objectives: a) to consider a model for categorizing behavioral interventions; b)to share information about current behavioral intervention programs in which IFAR members are involved; and c) to foster discussion about the adequacy of present strategies. The meeting began with an analytical phase that explored aspects of methodology, followed with presentations on selected programs, and concluded with a generic case study exercise that highlighted different social scientific perspectives on producing change in human behavior. (excerpt)
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  4. 4

    Accomplishments in HIV / AIDS programs: highlights from the USAID HIV / AIDS Program, 1995-1997.

    United States. Agency for International Development [USAID]

    Arlington, Virginia, Center for International Health Information, 1997 Dec. 16 p.

    This booklet presents highlights of 1995-97 activities of the US Agency for International Development's (USAID's) HIV/AIDS program. After a brief description of the current status of the pandemic, USAID's response, and its new strategy, the booklet provides a more in-depth examination of the HIV/AIDS pandemic, the highlights of USAID HIV/AIDS prevention activities during the past decade, and USAID's focus on prevention, which focuses on promoting safer sex behavior, increasing condom availability and use, and controlling sexually transmitted diseases (STDs). The next section of the booklet reviews USAID's proven interventions, such as behavior change communication and research, condom social marketing, and the development of services to prevent and treat STDs. An example is then given of how the three interventions were used successfully to stem transmission in Thailand. The booklet continues by explaining how USAID has targeted its response to developing countries (where it can have a significant impact on slowing the pandemic), youth, and women, and how peer educators and community outreach activities have been used to spread the prevention message. Next, the booklet discusses how USAID has expanded its partnerships with the World Health Organization's Global Programme on AIDS, with UNAIDS, and with Japan. The final section details the new USAID strategy for the future that will continue to focus on the three aspects of prevention and will also seek to mitigate the impact of HIV/AIDS on individuals and communities. The booklet also contains case studies of various USAID-funded projects.
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  5. 5
    Peer Reviewed

    Cairo dreams shattered.

    Potts M

    Lancet. 1996 Oct 12; 348(9033):976.

    In early October 1996, members of the US Congress voted for an omnibus spending bill, to take effect October 1, 1996, that provides $75 million less to population activities than the budget approved by the US Senate earlier in 1996. The budget for population matters is now set at $385 million. The US Congress has blocked any spending for population matters until March 1, 1997, effecting even more damage. It now has unprecedented controls on how USAID spends its money. The US gives less than 0.2% of its gross domestic product to foreign aid. The 1997 population budget equals the cost of one cheeseburger per US citizen. Yet, the US was the largest donor of population funds for many years. The 1993 Cairo International Conference on Population and Development (ICPD) stressed the need to improve reproductive health worldwide. The neediest countries can not afford to improve reproductive health on their own. ICPD identified a need for $5.7 billion annually from the donor community for family planning and reproductive health between 1993 and 2000. The US Congress' action has reduced actual funding to perhaps 20% of that target. People worldwide want smaller families. Women suffer from untreated sexually transmitted diseases and the ever-expanding HIV/AIDS epidemic. The newest cuts in population funds will make the Cairo dream a nightmare of increased expectations and declining resources.
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  6. 6

    International population institutions: adaptation to a changing world order.

    Crane BB

    In: Institutions for the earth: sources of effective international environmental protection, edited by Peter M. Haas, Robert O. Keohane, and Marc A. Levy. Cambridge, Massachusetts, MIT Press, 1993. 351-93. (Global Environmental Accords)

    This paper describes the political forces which have shaped the agendas and policy formulation of international population institutions (IPI) as well as their institutional characteristics and outputs. It also assesses the contributions of IPIs to national population policy formulation and implementation. During the almost three decades during which IPIs have existed, important exogenous changes have occurred in North-South and East-West relations as well as in the domestic politics of key countries involved in population issues. Although population as an issue has remained somewhat insulated from the large-scale changes in the international political and economic order, the impact of such changes on the preferences and resources of governmental and nongovernmental actors has nonetheless been evident in the decision-making forums of IPIs. There have also been changes and developments in the relevant science and technology as well as in the institutional structures and procedures of the IPIs themselves, which over time have influenced the formation of actors' preferences. IPIs are examined over the following three phases of their history: 1965-1974, the period of rapid growth in IPIs under leadership from the US and other Western donor countries; 1974-1984, a period of greater accommodation to the preferences of developing countries; and 1984-1991, a period marked by conflict over IPIs and a search for new sources of support, especially from the transnational environmental movement. A major challenge for IPIs in this recent period has been adapting to the withdrawal of the US government from participation in the UN Population Fund and the International Planned Parenthood Federation in response to domestic political pressure from individual and group lobbies against women's right to abortion.
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  7. 7

    SOMARC's condom projects in Morocco and Turkey achieve complete self-sufficiency.

    Futures Group. Social Marketing for Change [SOMARC]

    SOMARC III HIGHLIGHTS. 1994 Mar; (10):1-2.

    Morocco's Protex condom project was introduced in September, 1989, by Social Marketing for Change (SOMARC). Since September, 1993, when Protex became self-sufficient, the local distributor, Moussahama, has maintained strong sales, with 1993 fourth quarter sales 18 percent higher than they were the year before. Moussahama is purchasing the condoms directly through the International Planned Parenthood Federation. Moussahama continues to expand distribution to non-traditional outlets. Condom sales are projected to reach three million units in 1994, nearly 40 percent higher than in 1993. An important component of SOMARC's project was a media campaign designed to improve attitudes toward condom use. A recent study measuring the impact of the campaign documented that current condom use of any brand among married men has increase from 3% in 1989 to 20% in 1993; 93% of all married men interviewed were aware of Protex, and nine out of ten condom users said they use Protex most often. The Okey condom in Turkey became self-sufficient in December, 1993, attributed chiefly to SOMARC's having obtained from Eczacibasi, the Turkish distributor, a commitment to directly purchase all condoms to be sold in the social marketing project. Eczacibasi has covered all commodity as well as management and distribution costs of the product since its initial launch. During this time, USAID saved over US $700,000 which it would otherwise have spent providing condoms to the project. Sales of Okey have increased rapidly since the condom's introduction in June, 1991, and are expected to exceed seven million units 1994. Eczacibasi budgeted over US $450,000 in 1994 for advertising and promotion for the Okey brand. A recent study evaluating the impact of SOMARC's condom social marketing in Turkey has increased by a dramatic 124 percent. The success of the Okey condom has encouraged the London Rubber Co. to take a more active role in marketing condoms in Turkey.
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  8. 8

    A return to reason; U.S. international population policy.

    Fornos W; Burdett H

    Washington, D.C., Population Institute, 1993. 15 p. (Toward the 21st Century No. 4)

    The 1980s were poor years in the fight against rapid world population growth. Although the technology, experience, and research needed to reduce fertility were available, religious fundamentalism, the Reagan and Bush administrations in the US, and a weak global economy near the end of the decade severely crippled efforts to achieve stable populations around the world. The fundamentalist opposition to abortion drove Reagan and Bush to reverse the long-standing commitment of the US to international population and family planning assistance. Reagan arranged in 1984 for the US to lose its position of lead donor to the International Planned Parenthood Federation (IPPF) and the UN Population Fund (UNFPA). US government funds were then prohibited from being used by nongovernmental organizations which provide abortion services to overseas clients under the "Mexico City policy." The Kemp amendment and China and the UNFPA are discussed as elements of this low point of America's role in providing international family planning services. Reagan's international policy ran counter to the US policy implemented over the previous two decades. Bush continued the Mexico city policy and the funding boycott against the UNFPA. It was not until the Democratic administration of President Bill Clinton that a rational and enlightened approach to population growth was restored to US international policy. Clinton overturned the Mexico policy by executive memorandum two days after taking office. In 1993, the US Agency for International Development restored the flows of money to the UNFPA, the IPPF, and the World Health Organization human reproduction program. A record $392 million for population development assistance in 1994 was appropriated by Congress, almost all of the $400 million requested by the Clinton administration.
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  9. 9

    Foreign aid and family planning [editorial]

    WASHINGTON POST. 1993 Nov 24; A16.

    The resumption of United States aid to the International Planned Parenthood Federation (IPPF) was announced on November 23, 1993, at the State Department. The IPPF had not received any American funds since 1984 because of President Reagan's Mexico City policy, which barred foreign nongovernmental organizations from subsidies if they were engaged in abortion-related activities. President Clinton invalidated this policy immediately after his inauguration, and IPPF received $13.2 million as part of a $75 million 5-year package. While US participation in international family planning programs was suspended, population budgets in bilateral programs had continued to increase. The US contributes 40% of total global population assistance programs. Achievements in this area include decreasing fertility rates and average family size in the developing world. Yet, total world population continues to grow, since the number of people of reproductive age is still rising. The world's population was 5.5 billion in 1993, a figure that would double in 40 years at the current rate of growth. Uncontrolled population growth adversely affects economic development, political stability, health, education, and the environment. Reagan and Bush administrations denied these effects. The commitment of the Clinton administration to providing family planning information and services through the foreign aid program, underscored at the signing ceremony, are just as important as the IPPF grant.
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  10. 10

    The transition to sustainable family planning programs.

    International Planned Parenthood Federation [IPPF]

    IPPF / WHR FORUM. 1993 May; 9(1):15-6.

    USAID, through the matching grant project, provided International Planned Parenthood Federation's Western Hemisphere Region (IPPF/WHR) funds to increase and strengthen family planning (FP) services in Latin America. Family planning associations (FPAs) were to match any USAID-awarded funds with other funds, supporting efforts to promote sustainability of service delivery. The matching grant was an extremely effective and efficient means to expand access to good quality, voluntary FP services to low income, underserved people. Local income funded about 33% of Matching Grant FPA budgets. USAID and IPPF or other donors shared the other 66%. The Matching Grant FPAs reached the original target of 2.8 million new acceptors. The project was so successful that USAID awarded IPPF/WHR a new 5-year (1992-97) Transition Project. In Latin America and the Caribbean, its goals are to increase people's freedom to choose the number and spacing of their children and to promote a population growth rate appropriate to each country's socioeconomic development goals by helping some FPAs to become sustainable without USAID funding. Strengthening the institutional capacity of FP programs and evaluation of their performance and impact are 2 ways to achieve these goals. BEMFAM/Brazil, PROFAMILIA/Colombia, MEXFAM/Mexico, INPPARES/Peru, APROFA/Chile, CEPEP/Paraguay, AUPFIRH/Uruguay, FPATT/Trinidad and Tobago, PLAFAM/Venezuela, and BFLA/Belize have received matching subcontracts for FP service delivery and sustainability. IPPF/WHR considers Brazil, Colombia, Peru, and Mexico to be high-priority countries, largely because they have more than 60% of the population of Latin America. About 81% of Transition Project funds will go to in-country sub-grants and on regional activities, matched on a 1-to-1 basis. 86% of subcontracts will go to Colombia, Mexico, and Peru. Technical assistance and funding are also targeted to HIV/AIDS and sexually transmitted disease prevention.
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  11. 11

    USA President Clinton acts to ensure reproductive health.

    IPPF OPEN FILE. 1993 Feb; 1.

    In 1984, in Mexico City, the Reagan administration announced its policy prohibiting USAID from supporting any nongovernmental organization which used its own or US funds for any abortion-related activities. Even though this policy was intended to reduce the incidence of abortion, it had the opposite effect because the cut in funding left some areas of the developing world with no family planning services or information at all. Further, this policy resulted in a loss of $17 million (US) or 25% of the budget of the International Planned Parenthood Federation (IPPF). On January 22, 1993, US President Clinton reversed this policy. IPPF considered President Clinton's action to be a significant event for women's health, human rights, and global development. This reversal will provide family planning services to about 300 million couples who want to practice family planning but could not do so because they did not have access to it. Shortly after President Clinton's announcement, IPPF began writing a proposal to USAID for funds to restore programs that the Mexico City policy eliminated. IPPF hoped the reversal would spark international recognition of the need for safe access to abortion. Other actions President Clinton has taken to promote reproductive health are reversing the Reagan and Bush administrations' rule prohibiting abortion counseling at federally-funded clinics, requesting that the US Food and Drug Administration study the possible marketing of RU-486, removing the ban on abortion in military hospitals, approving regulations allowing fetal tissue research, and appointing an abortion rights advocate as Surgeon General. The Catholic Church opposed all of Clinton's abortion policies. However, many congregations, priests, and Vatican officials are dissatisfied with the Pope's anticontraception position.
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  12. 12

    Assuring health sector policy reforms in Africa: the role of non-project assistance.

    Foltz AM

    [Unpublished] 1992. Presented at the 120th Annual Meeting of the American Public Health Association [APHA], Washington, D.C., November 8-12, 1992. 27, [1] p.

    In the mid 1980s, USAID started nonproject assistance, mainly in the economic sectors, to African countries. The countries received nonproject assistance after they fulfilled conditions which influence institutional and/or policy reforms. The longest running health sector reform program in Africa was in Niger and was slated to receive portions of the funds after fulfilling 6 specific predetermined reform activities. Yet, between 1986 and 1991, Niger had implemented only 2 of them. It did accomplish the population/family planning reforms: expansion of family planning services, a national population policy, analyses and implementation of improvements in the pricing and distribution of contraceptives, and legalization of use and distribution of contraceptives. Continuing economic deterioration during the 1980s and political upheavals after 1989 somewhat explained why the other reform activities were not implemented. Other equally important factors were a very complex sector grant design (more than 20 reforms in 6 policy/institutional areas) with little incentive to realize the reforms, insufficient number of staff (limited to senior personnel) to implement the reforms, and just 1 USAID staff to monitor and facilitate activities. The nonproject assistance for the primary health care (PHC) system in Nigeria had a simpler design than that in Niger. The reform goals were shifting responsibility for PHC from curative care to preventive health services. After USAID and the Nigerian government signed an agreement, they included policy reforms promoting privatization of health services. Only 1 reform was implemented. Factors which could lead to success of nonproject assistance include host government needs to perceive it owns the objectives and building financial and institutional sustainability. In conclusion, nonproject assistance can be effective when implementing policy reforms that the host government has already adopted.
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  13. 13

    Contraceptive use and commodity costs in developing countries, 1990-2000.

    Mauldin WP; Ross JA

    International Family Planning Perspectives. 1992 Mar; 18(1):4-9.

    Estimates of the level of contraceptive use (and its cost) in developing countries that will be needed over the next decade in order not to exceed the UN's medium population projection for the year 2000 are provided. The UN's medium projection calls for population in the developing world to increase to about 5 billion by the year 2000, a projection that has become somewhat of a goal for the population establishment, which is concerned over the impact of rapid population growth. To comply with the medium projection, population growth during the 1990s must be limited to 969 million. Relying on data from the UN, USAID, and a number of surveys, the present level of contraceptive prevalence, the prevalence of specific methods, and the present costs are calculated and future needs are estimated. Presently, the number of married women of reproductive age (15-44) in developing countries is estimated at 757 million, a figure expected to increase to about 970 million by the year 2000, according to the UN medium projection. Currently at 51%, contraceptive prevalence will have to increase to 59% to meet the medium projection. And in order to reach this level of prevalence, it is estimated that over the next 10 years service providers will have to perform more than 150 million sterilizations and distribute almost 8.8 billion cycles of oral contraceptives, 663 million contraceptive injections, 310 million IUDs, and 44 billion condoms. Providing these contraceptive commodities will likely cost about $5.1 billion. The public sector will probably have to contribute about $4.2 billion of the cost, unless a concerted effort is made to increase the share carried by the commercial and private sectors.
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  14. 14

    USAID steps up anti-AIDS program.

    USAID HIGHLIGHTS. 1991 Fall; 8(3):1-4.

    This article considers the epidemic proportion of AIDS in developing countries, and discusses the U.S. Agency for International Development's (USAID) reworked and intensified strategy for HIV infection and AIDS prevention and control over the next 5 years. Developing and launching over 650 HIV and AIDS activities in 74 developing countries since 1986, USAID is the world's largest supporter of anti-AIDS programs. Over $91 million in bilateral assistance for HIV and AIDS prevention and control have been committed. USAID has also been the largest supporter of the World Health Organization's Global Program on AIDS since 1986. Interventions have included training peer educators, working to change the norms of sex behavior, and condom promotion. Recognizing that the developing world will increasingly account for an ever larger share of the world's HIV-infected population, USAID announced an intensified program of estimated investment increasing to approximately $400 million over a 5-year period. Strategy include funding for long-term, intensive interventions in 10-15 priority countries, emphasizing the treatment of other sexually transmitted diseases which facilitate the spread of HIV, making AIDS-related policy dialogue an explicit component of the Agency's AIDS program, and augmenting funding to community-based programs aimed at reducing high-risk sexual behaviors. The effect of AIDS upon child survival, adult mortality, urban populations, and socioeconomic development in developing countries is discussed. Program examples are also presented.
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  15. 15

    The development of a population policy for Ecuador.

    Moreno de Padilla C; Bilsborrow RE

    [Unpublished] 1988. Presented at the Annual Meeting of the Population Association of America, New Orleans, Louisiana, April 21-23, 1988. 15 p.

    The legal, technical and institutional activities that led to the formation of the population policy in Ecuador, the 2nd such policy articulated in South America, are recounted, followed by a summary of the demographic situation in the country. The 1st national planning board and those that followed up to the current Consejo Nacional de Desarrollo (CONADE) have addressed the topic of population. The current development plan specifies the objective of determining a population policy. The population policy fixes 7 general objectives, involving support of family and women, reduction of malnutrition, morbidity and mortality, moderation of population growth, provision of employment and redistribution of wealth. There are 6 strategies: education, health and nutrition programs, family planning services, rural development, employment, research, better use of human resources, especially women and the elderly, and incorporation of demographics in national planning. 3 international organizations have aided the formation of this policy, the UNFPA, CELADE and USAID. USAID supported the 1st demographic analysis unit in a planning agency in Ecuador, with the RAPID II computer program, creating a technical infrastructure for the eventual policy. Another influence was that of the Vice President who made the political commitment to develop a specific national population policy by 1987.
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  16. 16

    The population policy process in Liberia.

    Howard J; Massalee A; Gadegbeku P; Lacey L

    [Unpublished] 1988. Presented at the Annual Meeting of the Population Association of America, New Orleans, Louisiana, April 21-23, 1988. 11 p.

    The process Liberia used to develop its population policy, called the National Policy on Population for Social and economic Development, is summarized. 4 international conferences were influential in stimulating the process, the World Population Conference in Bucharest, the Second African Population Conference in 1984, the Mexico City International Conference on Population, and the Kilimanjaro Program of Action for African Population and Self-reliant Development. Several international agencies also furthered the process, USAID and its project "Resources for the Awareness of Population Impacts (RAPID II computer model), and the Pathfinder Fund. Liberia was ripe for a population policy as shown by the existence of the private Family Planning Association of Liberia, the inclusion of broad demographic goals in the second Four-Year development plan of 1981-1985, and the establishment of the National Committee on Population Activities in 1983. This group participated in international congresses, took part in the RAPID II project, and held a Population Awareness Seminar which generated 22 recommendations in 1985. A second awareness seminar in 1986 set out 16 recommendations and produced a film with Johns Hopkins University. A National Population Commission was inaugurated in 1986 and assigned the task of drafting the population policy. A seminar was held, and a Special Drafting Committee was nominated. This policy has 8 explicit chapters. A Population Week was celebrated in 1987 to disseminate the policy. A Bureau of Population Planning and Coordination under the Ministry of Planning and Economic Affairs is responsible for coordinating population activities.
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  17. 17

    First phase of National Primary Health Care Implementation: 1975-1980.

    Ransome-Kuti O

    [Unpublished] 1988 May 21. 18 p. (NCIH 15th Annual International Health Conference; Papers)

    This address covers the 3 phases of National Primary Health Care (PHC) Implementation in Nigeria from 1975 to the present. The concept for the implementation of the 1st phase was to build and equip health centers, then train and post health workers to the facilities. No attempt was made to involve the community, use appropriate health technology, or set up management systems (such as referrals, supplies, monitoring, and evaluation of the delivery system). In short, at the end of the planned period, nowhere in the Federation were services, as described in the Alma Atta Declaration, being delivered. Between 1980 and 1985, because of the failure of the Basic Health Services Scheme, the Federal Ministry of Health abandoned any attempt to set up a PHC system and began the implementation of vertical systems of health care. Within the Ministry, groups attached themselves to particular agencies, leading to severe fragmentation of the Ministry. The Ministry as a whole had ceased to pursue the goals of PHC and adopted new objectives agreeable to each donor agency. Since 1985, the present Nigerian administration has aimed at establishing local government by local government, with the nation's PHC system incorporating the existing vertical programs. The considerable resources available through many AID agencies, international organizations, and governments need to be harnessed to achieve Nigeria's goals. Nigeria must therefore be clear as regards what these are and how to achieve them, bearing in mind that most of these agencies and organizations have their mandates and objectives limiting the activities in which they may engage.
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  18. 18

    Politics and population. U.S. assistance for international population programs in the Reagan Administration.

    Goodman M

    [Unpublished] [1985]. [12] p.

    US support for family planning programs in developing nations has become more and more controversial as the existing consensus on the rationale for these programs has been lost. This article discusses the major issues of the current debate on international family planning assistance and some of the reasons why bipartisan support for the program has eroded in recent years. During the 1960s, 2 factors contributed to the advent of the international family planning movement: the development of modern contraceptive technology in the form of the oral contraceptive (OC) and the IUD, technologies which, it was believed, could be made readily available and used easily, even in the poorest developing countries; and the growing realization that as mortality rates were declining rapidly due to improved health care in developing countries, the rate of population growth was increasing at a pace never before achieved. After some initial reluctance, efforts to stabilize population growth rates came to be accepted as in the US national interest, and by the 1970s both Republican and Democratic administrations and bipartisan congressional coalitions supported regular increases in funding for population programs as part of the foreign aid program. The US, together with several European countries, was instrumental in the development and early support for the UN Fund for Population Activities and the nongovernmental International Planned Parenthood Federation. In general, US support for international population programs was not a controversial issue in foreign aid debates until last year. Since President Reagan took office in January 1981, both the advocates and opponents of population programs have become more active and organized. Foreign aid in general and international family planning programs in particular are a favorite target for conservative groups, which include several antiabortion groups. Consequently, early in the Reagan administration efforts were made to slash the foreign aid budget. These efforts went so far as to propose eliminating all funding for international family planning programs. These efforts failed, and the US maintained its position as preeminent donor for family planning until 1984. In its final version, the US policy paper for the 1984 Mexico City Conference made 2 important revisions regarding US international population policy: the explanation of population growth as a "neutral phenomenon," caused by counterproductive, statist economic policies in poor countries, for which the suggested remedy is free market economic reform; and the assertion that the US does not consider abortion an acceptable element of family planning programs and will not contribute to nongovernmental organizations that perform or actively promote abortion as a family planning method in other nations. How this controversy over US International population policy is resolved depends largely on how Congress defines the issue.
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  19. 19

    U.S. international population policy, second annual report of the NSC Ad Hoc Group on Population Policy, January 1978.

    United States. National Security Council. Ad Hoc Group on Population Policy

    [Unpublished] 1978 Jun. 45 p.

    Noting the devastating effects of uncontrolled population growth, this 1978 annual report reviews population problems, primarily in 13 developing countries, and focuses on program development, broadly and by specific countries. It acknowledges mounting international attention to the problem, adoption of more government-sponsored population programs, and increasing assistance from international and private donors, as well as government agencies. Urgently needed, however, is a broader, more concerted effort, along with implementation of the multi-year program plans of several organizations, particularly the Agency for International Development (AID). Strengthening family planning programs in village and community organizations, improving the status of women, intensifying fertility research, motivating smaller families, lessening the gap between food production and population, the legal reform are central tenets of AID programs. Some evidence of declining birth rates in developing countries is indicated, but projections are that for every decade of delay in achieving replacement-level fertility rates, world population will increase by 15%.
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  20. 20

    Report on developments and activities related to population information during the decade since the convening of the World Population Conference, Bucharest, 1974.

    Hankinson R

    New York, United Nations, 1984 Jun. vi, 52 p. (POPIN Bulletin No. 5 ISEA/POPIN/5)

    A summary of developments in the population information field during the decade 1974-84 is presented. Progress has been made in improving population services that are available to world users. "Population Index" and direct access to computerized on-line services and POPLINE printouts are available in the US and 13 other countries through a cooperating network of institutions. POPLINE services are also available free of charge to requestors from developing countries. Regional Bibliographic efforts are DOCPAL for Latin America. PIDSA for Africa, ADOPT and EBIS/PROFILE. Much of the funding and support for population information activities comes from 4 major sources: 1) UN Fund for Population Activities (UNFPA): 2) US Agency for International Development (USAID); 3) International Development Research Centre (IRDC): and 4) the Government of Australia. There are important philosophical distinctions in the support provided by these sources. Duplication of effort is to be avoided. Many agencies need to develop an institutional memory. They are creating computerized data bases on funded projects. The creation of these data bases is a major priority for regional population information services that serve developing countries. Costs of developing these information services are prohibitive; however, it is important to see them in their proper perspective. Many governments are reluctant to commit funds for these activites. Common standards should be adopted for population information. Knowledge and use of available services should be increased. The importance os back-up services is apparent. Hard-copy reproductions of items in data bases should be included. This report is primarily descriptive rather than evaluative. However, given the increase in population distribution and changes in government attitudes over the importance of population matters, the main tasks for the next decade should be to build on these foundations; to insure effective and efficient use of services; to share experience and knowledge through POPIN and other networks; and to demonstrate to governments the valuable role of information programs in developing national population programs.
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  21. 21

    The costing of primary health care: report of participation WHO consultation in Nazareth, Ethiopia.

    Stinson W

    [Unpublished] 1984. v, 25 p.

    This meeting was sponsored by the World Health Organization (WHO) with Dr. Wayne S. Stinson participating at WHOs request. The objectives of the informal consultation were: 1) to strengthen national capabilities for undertaking the costing of preimary health care and for the utilization of results for development and management; 2) to exchange experiences on the costing of PHC in different countries; 3) to discuss methodologies used for data collection at the PHC center; and 4) to make recommendations for future work. This consultation is one in a series of costing and financing meetings held by WHO since 1970. The most recent meeting prior to 1983 was an interregional workshop on the cost and financing of primary health care, held in Geneva in December 1980. Papers distributed at that meeting (which have not yet been published) suggest a need for greater understanding of costing principles and technical refinement of methodologies. Judging by the papers presented at the Nazareth workshop, costing efforts have greatly improved since 1980. Representatives from the following countries participated in the Nazareth workshop: Argentina, Botswana, Columbia, Thiopia, Gambia, Kenya, Lesotho, Malawi, Sierra Leone, Sri Lanka, Swaziland, Tanzania, Thailand, Uganda, and Zambia. Some of these reported costing studies. This report consists of a narrative description of the meeting itself followed by a commentary on some of the issues raised. There is then a discussion of Arssi Province and Ethiopia as a whole based on a 1-day field trip. Finally recommendations are given regarding the United States Agency for International Development's (AID's) further PHC costing efforts.
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  22. 22

    United States Agency for International Development.

    In: [Ford Foundation]. Conference on Social Science Research on Population and Development, Ford Foundation, 1974. [New York, Ford Foundation], 1975. 283-310.

    This paper presents a statement of research issues and questions to which USAID intends to give major program support over the next 2 or 3 years. 2 central questions needing further research are socioeconomic correlates and determinants of fertility, and the demographic impact of family planning programs. Historically USAID has been more interested in applied than in basic research and in research where fertility is the central demographic variable. Short-term rather than long-term benefits were the results. Social science research is not oriented toward the less developed countries, especially those experiencing the most rapid rates of population growth. "A Strategy for A.I.D. Support of Social Research on Determinants of Fertility," is an attachment to the paper and outlines abstract issues and the partiuclar circumstances of each country where they may be applied in terms of a research strategy. A hierarchy of questions is presented. The first question asks how, holding all other variables constant, much of the observed variation in fertility can be dirctly attributed to family planning programs and how much can be attributed to variables other than family planning. Many writings suggest that 1 of the most powerful determinants of societal fertility is income. Other writings claim that changes in individual perceptions of the future accompanying modernization are more important factors in family planning decisions.
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  23. 23

    World population and birth rates: agreements and disagreements.

    Kirk D

    Population and Development Review. 1979 Sep; 5(3):387-403.

    4 types of data are commonly presented in estimates of population size and trends: population size, crude birth rates, changes in crude birth rates, and measures of rates of population growth. World population sizes range from 3920 million by the Worldwatch Institute to 4147 million by the Environmental Fund. Crude birth rate estimates range from a low of 26.6/1000 (AID) to 33.7/1000 (Environmental Fund). With China the range for developing countries is from 30.8 to 40.2/1000. The world crude birth rate dropped by 12% between 1950-55 and 1970-75. Mauldin and Berelson postulate that the birth rate in the developing world declined from 41 to 35.5/1000 between 1965-75. Declines in the birth rate have exceeded those in the death rate. The United Nations (UN) data, above all others, has seniority in authority and experience in collecting and evaluating national data. The UN is less concerned with day to day changes and takes a longer, broader perspective. The Bureau of the Census is the next most reliable authority for data. Their compendium presents basic demographic data from every country in the world. The Bureau is very conservative about accepting new sources of data. The Population Reference Bureau is an intermediate source which provides as early warning system for AID in contraceptive use and fertility data.
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  24. 24

    AID investment of $1 billion in family planning/population is resulting in sharp birthrate declines.

    International Family Planning Perspectives and Digest. 1978 Winter; 4(4):127-128.

    This article is derived from testimony by Reimert T. Ravenholt, Director of the U.S. Agency for International Development (AID) Office of Population before the Select Committee on Population in the U.S. House of Representatives. The testimony dealt with the disbursement of the $1 billion in AID funds for the promotion of family planning in underdeveloped countries. A table gives the total, broken down into the various categories of aid: $345 million for international agencies, $261 million in bilateral assistance, $162 million for contraceptives, $102 million for demographic and fertility research, $55 million for improvement of contraceptive technology, $34 million for administration, $49 million for support of institutions training 3d World people for research in population related fields. The article also reports on the success in slowing population growth in many of the countries to which AID funds have been sent, particularly in Colombia, Thailand, Korea and Indonesia. Dr. Ravenholt stated that he feels the AID's investment has been instrumental in lowering birthrates, and that continued tenacity and effort will result in more successes.
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  25. 25

    Desexing birth control.


    Family Planning Perspectives. November-December 1977; 9(6):286-292.

    When Margaret Sanger initiated the American birth control movement in the early twentieth century, she stressed female and sexual liberation. Victorian views on morality have since combined with the compromises necessitated to achieve legitimacy for the movement to lead to a desexualization of the birth control movement. The movement's communication now concentrates on reproduction and ignores sex; it emphasizes family planning and population control but does not mention sexual pleasure. Taboos against publicity concerning contraceptives are more powerful even than laws restricting the sale or distribution of contraceptives themselves in many countries. The movement must recover its earlier revolutionary stance.
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