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Washington, D.C., Center for Global Development, 2015. 68 p.Founded in 2002, the Global Fund to Fight AIDS, Tuberculosis and Malaria (the Global Fund) is one of the world’s largest multilateral health funders, disbursing $3-$4 billion a year across 100-plus countries. Many of these countries rely on Global Fund monies to finance their respective disease responses -- and for their citizens, the efficient and effective use of Global Fund monies can be the difference between life and death. Many researchers and policymakers have hypothesized that models tying grant payments to achieved and verified results -- referred to in this report as next generation financing models -- offer an opportunity for the Global Fund to push forward its strategic interests and accelerate the impact of its investments. Free from year-to-year disbursement pressure (like government agencies) and rigid allocation policies (like the World Bank’s International Development Association), the Global Fund is also uniquely equipped to push forward innovative financing models. But despite interest, the how of new grant designs remains a challenge. Realizing their potential requires technical know-how and careful, strategic decisionmaking that responds to specific country and epidemiological contexts -- all with little evidence or experience to guide the way. This report thus addresses the how of next generation financing models -- that is, the concrete steps needed to change the basis of payment from expenses to something else: outputs, outcomes, or impact. (Excerpts)
[Washington, D.C.], Massive Effort Campaign, 2005.  p.Tuberculosis was last year's most overlooked tragedy. TB killed more people than all wars, earthquakes, floods, tsunamis, airline accidents, terrorist acts and murders worldwide the past year, and with much less fanfare. The deaths of these 1.8 million people were arguably all the more tragic as almost every one of them could have been prevented if they had been properly treated with highly-effective anti-TB medicines. This report asks, "Who is succeeding in preventing these tragic deaths?" In examining the most recent data that countries have provided to the World Health Organization, this independent report finds that some countries - even among the poorest such as Cambodia and the Democratic Republic of Congo - are doing quite a lot. Indeed, over one million people with infectious TB worldwide were completely cured the past year thru the DOTS TB treatment strategy. The TB control efforts of just six countries - China, India, Indonesia, Philippines, South Africa and Viet Nam - cured nearly half of these cases. Hundreds of thousands of lives have been spared this past year because of these efforts. This report also asks, "Who is failing to prevent deaths from TB?" (excerpt)
Significance of foreign funding in developing health programmes in India - the case study of RNTCP in the overall context of North-South co-operation.
Health Administrator. 2003; 15(1-2):52-60.External assistance on disease containment and health policy has been a global phenomenon ever since the advent of modern medicine. The technically and resource advanced countries have been contributing to health programs of the resource constrained nations particularly with an objective of disease containment and eradication. India has its own history of receiving external assistance for its health programs since 1950s. Eradication of Small Pox, control of Malaria in 1970s, Family Planning Program, Universal Immunization Program (UIP), Pulse Polio and more recently campaigns against Human Immune-deficiency Virus (HIV) and Tuberculosis Programme had been supported by bilateral or multilateral aids. External assistance in India is small in terms of its proportion to the Gross Domestic Product (GDP). In health, it has never been more than 1-3 % of the total public health spending in any given year. Yet external assistance has had a profound impact on health, as technical support obtained from such assistance has made a significant contribution to hastening India’s demographic and epidemiological transition. The present paper reviews the issue of foreign funding in health programmes and specifically highlights its impact of TB Programme development in India. (excerpt)
Manila, Philippines, World Health Organization [WHO], Regional Office for the Western Pacific, 1999.  p.Each of the small Pacific island countries has its own characteristics that need specific approaches in the implementation of DOTS strategy. The available tuberculosis guidelines are often too complex and too difficult to adapt. So health managers and health workers of these small countries need to have operational guidelines that are practical and simple to assist them in implementing an effective tuberculosis control programme based on the WHO recommended DOTS strategy. The main objectives of the guidelines are as follows: to guide tuberculosis programme managers in the implementation of DOTS strategy and the control of tuberculosis; to guide health workers and community leaders in identifying and referring suspect cases; and to guide health workers, patients and their families towards achieving a cure. As the guidelines are tested in a variety of different situations in the field, comments would be welcome and will help to improve future editions. Comments can be sent to WHO Regional Office for the Western Pacific, Tuberculosis Programme, Chronic Communicable Disease Unit. (excerpt)
Fighting TB -- forging ahead. Overview of the Stop TB Special Project in the Western Pacific Region, 2002.
Manila, Philippines, WHO, Regional Office for the Western Pacific, 2002. 77 p.This report: (i) describes the epidemiological situation of TB control in the Western Pacific Region, (ii) outlines the progress in building and implementing the Stop TB Special Project, (iii) discusses the issues and challenges in reducing TB prevalence in the seven most highrisk countries in the Region, and (iv) appraises the special project’s financial resources and requirements up to 2005. Adequate funds are essential to the success of the Stop TB Special Project and to reaching the targets in TB control. This report thus gives special attention to the seven TB high burden countries’ national Stop TB plans, including their partnership-building and resource mobilization. A summary of their five-year plans, which were endorsed by the second Technical Advisory Group (TAG) meeting of Beijing in June 2001, can be found in Annex 1. (excerpt)
International Journal of Tuberculosis and Lung Disease. 2004 Jan; 8(1):130-138.The Global TB Drug Facility (GDF) is a new initiative to increase access to high quality tuberculosis drugs. The GDF, a project of the Global Partnership to Stop TB, is managed by its secretariat, in the World Health Organization (WHO), Geneva. It aims to provide tuberculosis drugs to treat up to 11.6 million patients over the next 5 years and to assist countries to reach the WHO global TB control targets by 2005. The GDF was launched on 24 March 2001. Six rounds of applications have been completed, with 46 countries and non- governmental organizations (NGOs) approved for support. The GDF is not a traditional procurement mechanism. It has adopted an innovative approach to the supply of drugs, by linking demand for drugs to supply and monitoring, using partners to provide services, using product packaging to simply drug management and linking grants to TB programme performance. This paper describes the GDF operational procedures and experience gained so far. Key achievements to date are also outlined, including the creation of a flexible supply system to meet differing to meet differing programme needs, rapid establishment of procedures, reduction in TB drug prices--a catalyst for DOTS expansion in countries, standardisation of products, and collaboration with partners. The GDF is flexible enough to meet the needs of countries with a TB burden. The GDF experience could be used as an example for global procurement of drugs and commodities for other diseases, such as HIV/AIDS and malaria. In the future it is likely that the GDF will expand to include second-line drugs and diagnostic materials for TB and could assist other partnerships to develop similar mechanisms and facilities to meet country needs. (author's)
What's in a name? Policy transfer in Mozambique: DOTS for tuberculosis and syndromic management for sexually transmitted infections.
Journal of Public Health Policy. 2004; 25(1):38-55.In this paper we set out to explore the common assumption that international health policies are imposed on developing countries, owing to their high level of dependence on international aid. We examine how far two globally promoted infectious disease policies - directly observed short course therapy (DOTS) for tuberculosis (TB) and syndromic management for sexually transmitted infections (STIs) were voluntarily or coercively transferred in one particular setting, Mozambique. The findings of this case study are part of a larger study, which looked at global policy making, and compared South Africa and Mozambique. The larger study used the analytical frameworks developed to study policy transfer between jurisdictions. It showed that both policies had evolved in the 1980s through technical networks of national and international experts, and that policy transfer was not a linear, top-down process, but occurred in a series of policy loops over a long period. Experience at the country level fed into the globally promoted policies of the 1990s as part of this ‘looped process.’ The results of the global level research are being reported for policy theorists in a separate article. In this paper, we aim to present the findings of our case study of the transfer process and implementation of the policies in Mozambique and draw appropriate lessons for public health professionals working at the national level. (excerpt)
Washington, D.C., World Bank, 1992. vi, 123 p. (World Bank Technical Paper No. 167)The World Bank has complied a report of 7 case studies of successful tropical disease control programs. In Brazil, the Superintendency for Public Health Campaigns plans and implements tropical disease control programs (malaria, yellow fever, schistosomiasis, dengue, plague, and Chagas disease) based on previous campaign results. China operates a large and complex schistosomiasis control program which has a different task and strategy for each of the 3 targeted regions: the plans, hills and mountains, and marshlands and lakes. Egypt manages a schistosomiasis control program which protects 18 million people in 12 governates from the disease at a cost ofAdd to my documents.9070620
Washington, D.C., World Bank, 1991. x, 51 p. (World Bank Technical Paper No. 159)A World Bank report outlines the results of an empirical study. It lists institutional characteristics connected with successful tropical disease control programs, describes their importance, and extracts useful lessons for disease control specialists and managers. The study covers and compares 7 successful tropical disease control programs: the endemic disease program in Brazil; schistosomiasis control programs in China, Egypt, and Zimbabwe; and the malaria, schistosomiasis, and tuberculosis programs in the Philippines. All of these successful programs, as defined by reaching goals over a 10-15 year period, are technology driven. Specifically they establish a relevant technological strategy and package, and use operational research to appropriately adapt it to local conditions. Further they are campaign oriented. The 7 programs steer all features of organization and management to applying technology in the field. Moreover groups of expert staff, rather than administrators, have the authority to decide on technical matters. These programs operate both vertically and horizontally. Further when it comes to planning strategy they are centralized, but when it comes to actual operations and tasks, they are decentralized. Besides they match themselves to the task and not the task to the organization. Successful disease control programs have a realistic idea of what extension activities, e.g., surveillance and health education, is possible in the field. In addition, they work with households rather than the community. All employees are well trained. Program managers use informal and professional means to motivate then which makes the programs productive. The organizational structure of these programs mixes standardization of technical procedures with flexibility in applying rules and regulations, nonmonetary rewards to encourage experience based use of technological packages, a strong sense of public service, and a strong commitment to personal and professional development.