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African Affairs. 2004; 103:227-247.In most academic literature refugees are portrayed either as those who lack what national citizens have or as a threat to the national order of things. This article explores the effects of being excluded in such a way, and argues that Burundian refugees in a camp in northwest Tanzania find themselves in an ambiguous position, being excluded from the national order of things — secluded in the Tanzanian bush — while simultaneously being subject to state-of-the-art humanitarian interventions — apparently bringing them closer to the international community. The article explores the ways in which refugees in the camp relate to the international community. Ambiguous perceptions of the international community are expressed in rumours and conspiracy theories. These conspiracy theories create a kind of ontological surety by presenting the Hutu refugees as the victims of a grand Tutsi plot supported by ‘the big nations’. Finally, the article argues that refugees — being excluded from the nationstate and being subject to the government of international NGOs — seek recognition from the international community rather than any nationstate. This does not, however, destabilize the hegemony of the nation-state, as refugees perceive their own position as temporary and the international community as the guarantor of a more just international order in the long run. (author's)
Agenda. 2003; (55):4-14.This article has attempted to show that both nationalist discourses and the asylum policy that they inform rely heavily on the notion of the public (men’s) sphere and the private (women’s) sphere as binary opposites. Although women’s movements have led to major changes in the asylum legislation and practice, these changes have yet to significantly challenge the public/private dichotomy on which the creation of additional gender guidelines to supplement asylum legislation rests. I would suggest that future feminist analyses need to challenge the binary of ‘typical dissident’ and ‘special woman’ if asylum legislation is to better serve women and to see all asylum cases as gendered ie recognise that men’s activities in times of conflict draw on and reinforce women’s assumed activities and vice versa. In order to do this, there is a need to challenge the universal constructions of refugees (and refugee women) and the consequences thereof rather than essentialising identities and reifying these same categories. It is necessary to continually and critically reflect on the ways in which legislation that operates at a national (and often universal) level will inevitably privilege some identities over others. Although the South African gender guidelines call for recognition of women’s varied roles, they (and indeed much refugee policy that targets women) espouse a universal humanism that recognises certain bases of difference, which is seen most clearly in the categorisation of possible kinds of women’s involvement into those activities that fall within the public realm of ‘typical political dissident’ and those that fall within the category of ‘special woman’s case’. It is within this universal, humanist approach that most refugee policy currently exists. (excerpt)
[Addis Ababa, Ethiopia], Economic Commission for Africa, 1995. , 69 p. (E/ECA/ACW/ILI/4(a)/94)In order to increase awareness of the legal rights of women and existing legal instruments protecting women, this document reprints the major international human rights conventions on women and a list of the International Labor Organization (ILO) Conventions concerning women workers. This document was created in the belief that women must be aware of their rights in order to understand and/or claim them and that the enhancement of legal literacy will promote women's rights as well as an understanding of how the law can be used as a tool for social change. The reprinted documents are 1) the UN Convention on the Political Rights of Women (with annexes listing the countries party to the convention, reservations, and countries where women could vote equally as of 1955); 2) the 1957 UN Convention on the Nationality of Married Women; 3) the 1964 UN Convention on Consent to Marriage, Minimum Age for Marriage, and Registration of Marriages; 4) Chapter 24 of Agenda 21 (Global Action for Women Towards Sustainable and Equitable Development Programme Area); 5) the UN Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women; 6) the UN Convention on the Rights of the Child; 7) a list of nine ILO Conventions covering Women Workers; and 8) the Charter of Ratification of Conventions, which is a chart illustrating the ratification status of each convention by country.
In: Multilateral treaties, index and current status, Tenth Cumulative Supplement, compiled by M.J. Bowman and D.J. Harris. Nottingham, England, University of Nottingham Treaty Centre, 1993. 199.On 1 July 1992, Jordan became a party to this Convention. In addition, on 8 October 1991, Croatia succeeded to the Convention. The Convention reaffirms the consensual nature of marriages and requires the parties to establish a minimum age by law and to ensure the registration of marriages. The following countries became parties or succeeded to the Convention on the Nationality of Married Women in 1991-92: a) Croatia, 8 October 1991 (suc.); b) Jordan, 1 July 1992; c) Latvia, 14 April 1992; and d) Slovenia, 25 June 1991 (suc.). The Convention provides for the retention of nationality by women upon marriage or dissolution of marriage or when their husbands change their nationality. It also contains provisions on the naturalization of foreign wives. See Multilateral Treaties, Index and Current Status, 10th Cumulative Suppl., 1993, p. 181.
In: Multilateral treaties, index and current status, Ninth Cumulative Supplement, compiled by M.J. Bowman and D.J. Harris. Nottingham, England, University of Nottingham Treaty Centre, 1992. 170.On 6 June 1991 Mongolia became a party to the Convention on Consent to Marriage, Minimum Age for Marriages and Registration of Marriages. The Convention reaffirms the consensual nature of marriages and requires the parties to establish a minimum age by law and to ensure the registration of marriages. On 14 October 1991, Saint Lucia succeeded to the Convention on the Nationality of Married Women. See Multilateral Treaties, Index and Current Status, p. 155. This Convention provides for the retention of nationality by women upon marriage or dissolution of marriage or when their husband changes his nationality. It also contains provisions on the naturalization of foreign wives.
In: Readings in population research methodology. Volume 8. Environment and economy, edited by Donald J. Bogue, Eduardo E. Arriaga, Douglas L. Anderton, George W. Rumsey. Chicago, Illinois, Social Development Center, 1993. 26-23.The question posed is whether the environment will continue to provide mankind with the necessities of life. The three threats most frequently cited are: 1) demographic changes, changes in the age structure of the population, and qualitative changes, particularly with respect to health conditions; 2) changes in the availability of natural resources, especially with regard to energy, metals and fertilizers; and deterioration of nature which may involve fresh water, the seas, the atmosphere, and the climate. Technological development is generally considered to be a kind of progress, but it sometimes has an unfavorable impact at the macro-economic level. Regarding quality of life for the countries which have already moved beyond a subsistence economy, the questions are whether the standards can be maintained and whether social goals can be attained. The relationship between population and environment may be examined either at the national level or at the world level. The world is divided into a larger number of independent nations. The economic, demographic, and political conditions of adjoining countries can be very different, as in the case of the Soviet Union and Afghanistan or Turkey; the United States and Mexico; the Ivory Coast and Upper Volta; France and Spain. Hence, a world perspective hinges on three conditions: 1) a single world government which ensures an equitable division of resources and provides everyone with at least the minimum necessities; 2) an close unity among people, which leads either to a pooling of resources or to total freedom of individual migration; and 3) the scarcity of deterioration of those elements needed by all people, such as oxygen, the seas, and the climate. In the absence of such circumstances, each country is responsible for its own environment and living conditions, and the international organizations can provide only limited relief.
ANNUAL REVIEW OF POPULATION LAW. 1989; 16:124.The government of Libyan Arab Jamahiriya ratified this UN Convention on the nationality of married women on May 16, 1989.
[Democracy, migration and return: Argentinians, Chileans and Uruguayans in Venezuela] Democracia, migracion y retorno: los Argentinos, Chilenos y Uruguayos en Venezuela.
Caracas, Venezuela, Universidad Catolica Andres Bello, Instituto de Investigaciones Economicas y Sociales, 1986 Jul. 36 p. (Documento de Trabajo No. 29)Data from national censuses, migration registers, and the migration survey of 1981 were used to estimate the volume of migration from Chile, Argentina, and Uruguay to Venezuela in the past 35 years as well as the number returning to their countries of origin through programs established by international agencies. Immigrants from the 3 countries to Venezuela have in the past been a tiny minority. In 1950, they numbered just 1277 persons and represented .59% of persons born abroad. They were enumerated at 5531 in the 1961 census, at 8086 in the 1971 census, and at 43,748 in the 1981 census. In 1981, they accounted for 4.1% of the foreign born population. Between 1971-84, 13,074 Argentinians, 23,907 Chileans, and 6947 Uruguayans entered Venezuela. From 1971-79, 45,848 immigrants from the 3 countries entered Venezuela, with 13,000 more entering than exiting in 1978 alone. 1973-78 were years of economic prosperity and progress in Venezuela. From 1980-84, as economic conditions deteriorated, almost a quarter of a million persons left Venezuela, including 129,834 foreigners and 107,321 Venezuelans. About 2000 persons from Chile, Argentina, and Uruguay left Venezuela in the 5-year period. To determine whether the reemergence of democracy in Argentina and Uruguay in the 1980s had prompted the return of migrants from these countries, the subpopulation returning with the aid of 2 international organizations was studied. The records were examined of all individuals returning to the 3 countries between January 1983-June 1986 with the assistance of the Intergovernmental Committee for Migration or the UN High Commission for Refugees. 462 women and 395 men were repatriated during the study period. 46.4% of those repatriated were 20-49 years old and 39.7% were under 20. About 60% of the Uruguayans but only about 25% of the Argentinians and Chileans were assisted by the UN High Commission for Refugees. The crude activity rate was 52.2% for repatriated men and 34.2% for repatriated women. Activity rates were 58.4% for Uruguayans, 48.7% for Argentinians, and 48.0% for Chileans. The repatriation was highly selective; 79.5% of Chileans, 74.3% of Argentinians, and 67.4% of Uruguayans declared themselves to be professionals, technicians, or related workers. Of the 857 persons repatriated from Venezuela, 550 went to Argentina, 196 to Uruguay, and 107 to Chile. An additional 4 Chileans went to Sweden. The Argentinian colony in Venezuela has shrunk and will probably continue to do so, the Chilean colony has not declined and may actually grow because of economic and political conditions in Chile, and the Uruguayan colony has hardly declined, suggesting that immigration is continuing.