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International Communication Gazette. 2007; 69(6):483-507.In the UN system, conflicts and contradictions seldom concern the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs) as such, but rather the means of achieving them. These differences of opinion about priorities, and about how much and to whom development aid or assistance should be directed, could be explained by analysing the ontological, epistemological and methodological assumptions underpinning the general perspectives in the communication for development (C4D) field. Theoretical changes in the perspective on development communication (modernization, dependency, multiplicity) have also reached the level of policy-makers. As a result, different methodologies and terminologies have evolved, which often make it difficult for agencies, even though they share a common commitment to the overall goals of development communication, to identify common ground, arrive at a full understanding of each other's objectives, or to cooperate effectively in operational projects. Consequently, it is difficult for development organizations in general and UN agencies in particular to reach a common approach and strategy. (author's)
Anthropologist. 2004; 6(1):37-43.The focus of this paper should expectedly arouse diverse perceptions or expectations for equally diverse individuals due to its universal appeal in a world in constant search for new ingredients for sustainable growth and development. However, it must be emphasised that the paper is not intended to provide a network of definitions on what culture and development are or are not. The major intentions are: providing simplified definitions of 'culture' and 'development'; discussing some issues that could have accounted for the gradual disintegration of our cultural heritage; assessing the culture-development relationship; and seeking avenues for nurturing that relationship. (excerpt)
In: Feminism / postmodernism / development, edited by Marianne H. Marchand and Jane L. Parpart. London, England, Routledge, 1995. 26-41.This chapter will demonstrate that the so-called WID regime, as implemented by international development agencies, has its origin in two distinct yet overlapping strands of modernist discourse: the colonial discourse and the liberal discourse on markets. The colonial discourse based on the economic, political, social and cultural privileging of European peoples, homogenizes and essentializes the Third World and Third World women. The liberal discourse on markets, based on a negative view of freedom, promotes free markets, voluntary choices and individualism. Its epistemological premises and practical implementations disempower Third World nations in the international political economy. Moreover, as it intersects with colonial discourse, liberal discourse paradoxically tends to disempower poor Third World women (despite its stated objective of helping women to "develop"). In this chapter I argue that this disempowerment of Third World women is exemplified and embodied by the WID regime, because it is situated at the intersection of these two (modernist) discourses. (excerpt)
Boulder, Colorado, Lynne Rienner Publishers, 1996. v, 151 p. (Women and Change in the Developing World)This book presents a feminist analysis of gender, tradition, and modernity as conceptualized in modernization and Marxist dependency theories and applied by the World Bank and challenged in Southern Africa. The aim is to enlighten those who attempt to offer improvements on the two paradigms or to blend the two paradigms prematurely. Modernization theory makes "artificial" distinctions between traditional and modern societies. Modernization theory formulates a system for ensuring multinational control of trade and capital without restriction from nation states. Dependency theory offers a materialistic account of the expansion and change of capitalism and class consciousness. Women's roles in capitalist development and in revolutions are defined. This study suggests that feminist standpoint theory, such as that proposed by Harding and Hennessy, can be valuable. Social systems must be understood in terms of economic, political, and ideological systems and structures of power, such as capitalism, patriarchy, or colonialism. This author seeks to move beyond a masculine conception of modernity, development, and dependence. This study is based on interpretive analysis and implicit and contextual meanings of texts. Chapter 1 provides an overview of the book's direction and purpose. Chapter 2 discusses the two approaches of modernization theory, the psychocultural and the structural-functional. The work of Inkeles and Smith is discussed in comparison to other psychocultural approaches of Lerner and McClelland. The structural approaches of Rostow, Parsons, and a committee of the US Social Science Research Council are interpreted. Chapter 3 discusses soft-state approaches of African countries that are theorized by Hyden and others. World Bank practices are interpreted in Chapter 4. Chapter 5 focuses on Frank, Amin, and other texts on dependency theory. Challenges to dependency and counterrevolution in Southern Africa are the focus in Chapter 6. Prospects for rereading and rewriting development theory that centers on the household are proposed in Chapter 7.
Liege, Belgium, International Union for the Scientific Study of Population [IUSSP], 1994. 17 p. (Distinguished Lecture Series on Population and Development)This lecture on updated trends in the world fertility transition was presented in preparation for the Cairo Conference in 1994. Modernization upsets the biological balance of natural fertility and mortality. There is little evidence of significant levels of deliberate birth control in traditional societies. Pre-modern Europe used delayed marriage, no marriage, and discouragement of widow remarriage as constraints on fertility, which were driven by the concept of the proper time to marry and not conscious population planning. Fertility was not consciously controlled, because mortality slowed or stopped population growth, and children were valued as an economic asset. The first major fertility decline began in France and appeared in Europe during the late eighteenth century. Decline occurred without the approval of governments. Diffusion theory, regardless of the debate about what was diffused, has received support. During this period, social changes were occurring. First, the risk of childhood mortality in these countries was declining and had been declining for centuries. Second, knowledge about fertility control was gleaned over long periods of time, sometimes up to 100 years. By the 1950s almost every Western European country had a fertility rate lower than 3, and some countries were at replacement level. Third World countries in the beginning of the 1900s experienced changes in public health measures, which were influential in bringing down death rates. The effect of mortality changes on rapid fertility growth became evident during the 1950s. Fertility patterns did not change markedly until 1965-75 among some countries in Latin America and Asia and in some Pacific Island countries. The declines during the 1960s and 1970s increased and were initiated by technological breakthroughs in fertility control methods. The determinants of this period of fertility decline varied. The impact of socioeconomic change and availability of family planning varied by country. Social changes were reflective of global changes. Fertility declined due to the shift away from an agrarian-based, subsistence society and toward a global society that restricted family size. The shift involved deliberate organization and expenditure and social changes.
New York, New York, United Nations, 1986. , 238 p.This overview of women in development includes chapters devoted to women's participation in the labor force and the invisibility of some work, the benefits for women from economic development and the impact on women from economic trends, and a cost-benefit analysis. Other chapters focus on women's role in agriculture, industrial development, finance, science and technology, and trade; on women's use and conservation of energy resources; and on the concept of self-reliance and integration of women in development. Statistical tables and a bibliography accompany each of the sections. Conclusions are drawn on self-reliance that neither development in specific industrial areas nor cooperation within each area is sufficient to respect the need for selecting women specifically as the targeted group. Most developing countries were found not to have a detailed analysis of the development role of women. There appears to be a conceptual lack of clarity about priorities for improving the status of women versus changing their development role. Women themselves are viewed as the arbiters of what their role in development should be. The self-reliance strategy is considered an integral approach to development and one in which the full productive and social emancipation of women is required. Social change in developing countries will come about when the role of women in society changes regardless of the culture and in tune with changes in women's position in the world at large. Development models need to be changed in ways which recognize the "true" economic role of women and their social role. The international community should maintain better communication and closer cooperation nationally, internationally, and within existing institutions that are concerned with developing countries.
Development. 1994; (1):6-9.The "rape of nature" is language out of context that does not serve the interests of the oppressed. The act of oppression can be gauged in terms of successful outcomes. The outcomes can be assessed in a variety of ways. Modernity can be taken as an "attitude that makes fair gain of any vulnerable group." The guiding principles can be confused with the manifestations of modernity. Modernity is taken within population, development, and gender discussions to justify itself. Blame for disfunction is diffused by blaming nonmodernity (for instance, the Nazis or the American slave owners, or the ignorant farmer or landholder, ancient patriarchal customs, male domination, religion, lack of modern knowledge). The solution to problems is modernity. Prior violence and oppression are used to justify continued violence and oppression. Population growth only becomes a problem when man as individual or collective entity loses the sense of the limits of nature. The environment is being destroyed by man's knowledge and the breakdown of barriers between man and nature. Modernity has brought with it political violence, intolerance, genocide, ethnic cleansing, terrorization of whole societies, the epidemic of civil wars, and the persecution of minorities and other unwanted people. Humanity speaks in an impersonal voice; the alternative is to talk about technical things in a personal and embodied way. Rape is an apt description of modernity literally and metaphorically. Feminists demand the spoken language of women. Violence is the silencing of voices. Modernity has seen an increase in the violence towards nature, individuals, bodies, and communities. Knowledge is related to the privilege of an impersonal and objective attitude toward people or nature that predisposes violence. The thought is that superior knowledge will dominate nature. Vulnerable groups everywhere are armed to prevent the "never again" will we be the objects of violence. The use of rape in this context has the danger of potentially becoming an impersonal objectification. The alternative for sustainable development is to accept vulnerability and place ourselves in others' trust, which requires subjectivity, dialogue, and empowerment and local, national, and global governance to obstruct local tyrannies. Reciprocity of interests must prevail.
Teaneck, New Jersey, Negative Population Growth, 1994 Aug.  p. (Negative Population Growth Position Paper)This position paper for the world population conference in Cairo in 1994 by the Negative Population Growth (NPG) organization reiterates the belief that disaster will result if growth is not stopped at eight billion people and then reversed. The demands of population growth require stopping growth and not just accommodating it. NPG recommends that the low variant of eight billion can only be reached by attaining subreplacement fertility of 1.7 by 2025-30. This means that world fertility would need to decline from the present 3.2 within 35 years. Family planning (FP) measures alone will not produce subreplacement fertility. A concerted effort must be made to change family size desires in all nations and to increase the demand for contraceptives. Universal access to FP is only one way to achieve subreplacement fertility. Measures such as expanded modernization or improving the status of women and educational status will not bring about change fast enough. Noncoercion in promotion of smaller families is a requirement. Incentives have been successful in China and Singapore. China faces a huge problem, and its past coercion should neither be promoted nor condemned. The final draft UN document is flawed in not stipulating a goal, such as the low UN variant. Sustainable development is not feasible with the present billions, much less with eight billion people. The solution is the combined interaction of FP, modernization, better status and education for women, reduced family size desires, incentives, and other measures. Emphasis should be on the optimum rate of growth and not on some hypothetical optimum population size number. The solution based on Erich Fromm's sense of history will depend on the cultural capacity of societies for planned, rational, voluntary reaction to challenge. While governments delay, famine, disease, and anarchy will prevail, and hope for a good life for all, free from material want, will perish. Inducements to reduce family size are a major omission from the draft document.
[Unpublished] 1984 Jul. , 193 p.As of 1984, Lebanon had not yet formulated a clear and specific population policy because laws existed against contraception and political differences among the various ethnic groups also existed which culminated in a civil war. Nevertheless the government condoned the creation of the Lebanese Family Planning Association (LFPA) in August 1969 and its activities. The government also helped spread family planning through its own institutions such as the Ministry of Health and the Office of Social Development. Further some of LFPA's staff members have been part of the government itself. LFPA conducted a survey in June 1975 in Zahrani in rural south Lebanon and it showed that the people wished to limit their fertility, but could not since birth control was not available. Therefore LFPA established the 1st Community Based Family Planning Services Program in Zahrani which later spread to other villages. Wasitas (field workers) served as the major means of providing birth control and information to the women. They emphasized child spacing. The wasitas also served as a major adaptive and indigenous agent of social change and development. Initially they underwent intensive training lasting at least 1 week, but in 1979, LFPA hosted annual 1 month training sessions. The wasitas use of traditional communication methods resulted in not only an increase of contraceptive use, but also in meeting the elemental needs of the women for psychological comfort and self reliance. In some instances, however, some wasitas resorted to deception in encouraging the most uneducated women to use birth control because of strong incentives, e.g., the wasita received 50% of the money earned for the sale of each contraceptive. LFPA needed to reassess those measures which lead to possible encroachment of the dignity and freedom of choice of the women villagers.
AMERICAN JOURNAL OF PUBLIC HEALTH. 1990 Oct; 80(10):1188-92.Health trends since 1950 in both developed and developing countries are classified and discussed in terms of causative factors: socioeconomic development, cross-national influences and growth of national health systems. Despite the vast differences in scale of health statistics between developed and developing countries, economic hardships and high military expenditures, all nations have demonstrated significant declines in life expectancy and infant mortality rates. Social and economic factors that influenced changes included independence from colonial rule in Africa and Asia and emergence from feudalism in China, industrialization, rising gross domestic product per capita and urbanization. An example of economic development is doubling to tripling of commercial energy consumption per capita. Social advancement is evidenced by higher literacy rates, school enrollments and education of women. Cross-national influences that improved overall health include international trade, spread of technology, and the universal acceptance of the idea that health is a human right. National health systems in developing countries are receiving increasing shares of the GNP. Total health expenditure by government is highly correlated with life expectancy. The view of the World Bank and the International Monetary Fund that health care should be privatized is a step backward with anti-egalitarian consequences. The UN Economic Commission for Africa attacked the IMF and the World Bank for promoting private sector funding of health care stating that this leads to lower standards of living and poorer health among the disadvantaged. Suggested health strategies for the future should involve effective action in the public sector: adequate financial support of national health systems; political commitment to health as the basis of national security; citizen involvement in policy and planning; curtailing of smoking, alcohol, drugs and violence; elimination of environmental and toxic hazards; and maximum international collaboration.
[Population policy and family planning in the third world] Bevolkerungspolitik und Familienplanung in der Dritten Welt.
In: Probleme und Chancen demographischer Entwicklung in der dritten Welt, edited by Gunter Steinmann, Klaus F. Zimmermann, and Gerhard Heilig. New York, New York/Berlin, Germany, Federal Republic of, Springer-Verlag, 1988. 274-95.Beginning with the observation that the idea of the 3rd World is an artificial creation of western development economists, the author analyses the effects of family policy goals and processes toward the improvement of welfare and opportunities for children and mothers in African, Asian and South American countries and particularly the effects of programs aimed at decreasing fertility. He points out that two opposing points of view have dominated the development of family planning policies: "Development is the best pill" implies that when a country has become economically developed to European standards that fertility will decrease of its own accord; the opposing view: "No development without a pill" holds that economic development and modernization cannot take place without prior control of the rate of population growth. The author reviews UN General Assembly resolutions concerning the fundamental human right to development and sketches the background of UN actions based on that assertion. The author then traces the historical roots of community-based family planning from early times to more recent times, marked by national drives to limit the number of conceptions. He presents statistics on government policies regarding family planning, the populations affected by those policies and the demographic situations under which these policies operate. He itemizes the ethical issues involved in government and organizational activities in family planning and includes many examples of government activities in developing countries in which these principles have been involved.
Population and development problems: a critical assessment of conventional wisdom. The case of Zimbabwe.
ZIMBABWE JOURNAL OF ECONOMICS. 1988 Jan; 2(1):81-100.Conventional wisdom, as reflected in reports by the World Bank and the Whitsun Foundation, maintains that control of population growth is the key strategy for stimulating socioeconomic development and ending widespread poverty. The Witsun Foundation has criticized the Government of Zimbabwe for failing to include specific policies for population control in its National Transitional Development Plan. the report further expressed alarm about future availability of land to contain Zimbabwe's growing population. Communal areas are designed for a maximum of 325,000 families yet presently contain 700-800,000 families. This Malthusian, deterministic emphasis on population growth as the source of social ills ignores the broader, complex set of socioeconomic, historical, and political factors that determine material life. Any analysis of population that fails to consider the class structure of society, the type of division of labor, and forms of property and production can produce only meaningless abstractions. For example, consideration of crowding in communal areas must include consideration of inequitable patterns of land ownership in sub-Saharan Africa. Unemployment must be viewed within the context of a capitalist economic structure that relies on an industrial reserve army of labor to ensure acceptance of low wages and labor-intensive conditions. While it is accepted that population growth is creating specific and real problems in Zimbabwe and other African countries, these problems could be ameliorated by land reform and restructuring of the export-oriented colonial economies. Similarly, birth control should not be promoted as the solution to social problems, yet family planning services should be available to raise the status of women. Literacy, agrarian reform, agricultural modernization, and industrialization campaigns free from the dominance of Western capitalism represent the true solutions to Zimbabwe's problems.