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Population and Environment. 2007 Sep; 29(1):12-24.This paper conceptualizes the absence of multilateral protection for environmental refugees. It does this by critically scrutinizing interviews conducted with United Nations ambassadors and senior diplomats in 2004 (n = 45) in a number of key policy-making locations. These interviews reveal that an absence of policy on environmental refugees has been reproduced by discursive politics at the United Nations. The reasons for which are explored here in this paper, and include shifting attitudes towards the role of multilateralism and environmental issues generally. (author's)
[Unpublished] 2004. Presented at the Conference on Gender Justice in Post-Conflict Situations, "Peace Needs Women and Women Need Justice”. Co-organized by the United Nations Development Fund for Women [UNIFEM] and the International Legal Assistance Consortium. New York, New York, September 15-17, 2004. 4 p.Unfortunately, this is extremely well documented in countries in conflict. Many of the reports submitted to the Security Council include mention of the use of rape as a weapon of war. Recently, a report of the United Nations Organization Mission in the Democratic Republic of the Congo (MONUC) on the situation of human rights in Ituri provided information on this problem which is as specific as it is frightening. But, paradoxically, in countries which are not in conflict, the issue of violence against women is often neglected, where it is not concealed. But the private sphere cannot be an area where rights do not apply. (excerpt)
Habitat Debate. 2005 Mar; 11(1): p..As we move to the 10-year review of the Beijing World Conference on Women and a mid-term appraisal of the Millennium Development Goals (MDG’s), we need to recognize and act upon critical concerns daily affecting women that are being neglected at both the international and national levels. Women are still grossly denied the right to adequate housing and related rights such as land and water. We live in a world today where millions of women are homeless and landless. Many millions more, due to the non-implementation of their rights to housing and land, are one step away from becoming homeless and landless. The lack of implementation of laws and policies sustains the ongoing gender based discrimination that underlies violations of women’s rights to housing and land. This gap between the law and reality arises from the existence of gender-neutral laws, which do not always recognize the special circumstances of women. Gender biased customs and traditions as well as bias in the judiciary and public administration, results in the perpetration of male dependent security of tenure. Even where legal remedies may be provided, many women cannot afford legal remedies. (excerpt)
[Launch of a radio campaign for the participation of rural women in landholding] Lanzamiento de Campaña Radial. Por la participación de las mujeres rurales en la tenencia de la tierra.
RedAda. 1997 Dec; (26):2-3.Given the need for peasant and indigenous women to know about the articles of the Agrarian Reform Institute Law (INRA, Spanish acronym), principally the articles favorable to them, the National Network of Information and Communication Workers, RED-ADA, sponsored by UNIFEM, UNICEF, and SECRAD [Service of Radio and Television Training for Development], has launched the National Campaign "for women's right to land." The first phase of the radio campaign, broadcast by different stations throughout Bolivia, ran for three months, from December 1997 to February 1998, and consisted of six radio spots in four languages: Quechua, Aymará, Guaraní, and Spanish. (excerpt)
Global AIDSLink. 2003 Aug-Sep; (81):10-11.Rampant, unchecked HIV/AIDS, a famine that threatens 7 million of the country's 12 million people with starvation, a tradition of male dominance, a dictatorial president whose land "reforms" have decimated the formerly bountiful farms, and an 80 percent unemployment rate have pushed the once prosperous nation of Zimbabwe to the brink of collapse. As a social activist deeply concerned about AIDS, I've traveled to Zimbabwe three times in the past two years and witnessed the ever-deepening humanitarian crisis there. Since the beginning of the AIDS plague in sub-Saharan Africa more than 20 years ago, our nation has consistently failed to adequately respond. The term "criminal negligence" is not too harsh to describe the way we have averted our eyes from the exploding AIDS pandemic that now imperils the entire region. Finally, President Bush has taken the extraordinary step of promoting a landmark global HIV/AIDS bill (HR 1298) to provide US $15 billion ($3 billion annually for five years) to fight AIDS in parts of southern Africa and the Caribbean; Zimbabwe, however, is not included. Despite the fact that Zimbabwe is the second hardest hit nation in the world, it appears the Zimbabwean people are to be punished for President Mugabe's reign of terror. While it may be understandable that our government chooses not to offer assistance to a country controlled by a dictatorial leader, it is terribly troubling that those among us who generally champion the rights of the oppressed and disenfranchised have also looked away. (excerpt)
Development Bulletin. 2002 Dec; (60):8-12.Land is the key to resolving many of the conflicts and problems of Melanesia. Solutions have to involve ways that will work for the majority of the people of the region. A characteristic of the Melanesian South Pacific is that control of the land and virtually all other natural resources is not held exclusively by the state. Only small percentages of the region’s land resources have been alienated to the state. In Papua New Guinea (PNG) it is less than 3 per cent; in the Solomon Islands about 12 per cent, and in Vanuatu all land was deemed to return to its customary owners at independence. These natural resources are held in various combinations of customary group rights and customary individual rights. These rights continue to operate within a range of customary land tenure and land use systems. National constitutions of these countries specifically recognise the validity of these customary systems within the modern state; the majority of citizens want them to continue. Such determination in the face of significant continuing outside as well as internal pressures implies that there is much about these customary tenure systems that is not appreciated by outside forces that try to undermine and destroy them. Why are these systems so important and how can other activities link up with such customary institutions? With these customary rights come expectations and responsibilities in value systems that channel and direct both social and economic behaviour patterns of people living within those systems. Over time the strong links between rights and responsibilities have begun to fade and integrated patterns of beliefs, values and behaviour have become less integrated and more diffuse. Critical areas such as leadership, for example, have taken on new characteristics, expectations and behaviour patterns to such an extent that many modern leaders act with virtual impunity within their ‘fiefdoms’, especially in dealings with natural resources. The conjunction between land, people and governance in Melanesia must underlie efforts to resolve Melanesia’s current problems and malaise. To speak constructively about ‘South Pacific Futures’ the critical importance of land in these societies must be addressed to find forward-thinking ways to resolve Melanesian dilemmas. (excerpt)
EARTH TIMES / HURRIYET. 1996 Jun 7; 5.The head of the UN Development Fund for Women's delegation at Habitat II, Achola Pala Okeyo, held a press conference to voice her concern that the women's nongovernmental organizations (NGOs) attending the conference were not receiving enough visibility. Issues raised at the press conference included the important role played by the NGOs in taking the Habitat agenda to the grassroots level, the promotion of cooperative ownership of houses and equal inheritance rights, and the lack of input sought from "everyday" women in planning and development efforts in their communities. Okeyo noted that the Habitat conference was the first organized attempt to bring women's NGOs together since the women's conference in Beijing and that women were disappointed at their lack of progress in attaining equal rights.
The poor quality of official socio-economic statistics relating to the rural tropical world: with special reference to South India.
MODERN ASIAN STUDIES. 1984; 18(3):491-514.Statistics relating to the sizes of farm-holdings, the output and yield of crops, household income and expenditure, occupation, cattle ownership, and the sizes of villages were considered, and some features of the Karnataka population census were criticized. The main reason for the extremely poor quality of so many official socioeconomic statistics relating to the rural tropical world is the failure to realize that statistical procedures are based on conditions peculiar to advanced countries. The All-India National Sample Survey is a rare example of a wasted exercise which runs into several hundred separate reports. Because of the inevitable unreliability of most statistics it should be assumed that all statistics covering whole countries or large states, which relate to agricultural yields, crop values, and production, are bound to include a large element of estimation. Organizations like the UN Food and Agricultural Organization (FAO) should provide some information on the basis of estimates, and statistical tables without notes should not be published, such as the regular Statistical Bulletins of the FAO. Far fewer figures of far higher quality should be produced. Owing to the diversity of agrarian systems, very few economic generalizations (any presumed inverse relationship between crop yield and size of farm-holding) can be of universal application. Organizations like the FAO should advise tropical countries that it is wasteful to collect statistics that are considered conventional in advanced countries because of the nature of their agrarian systems and systems of land tenure. Instead of estimating the proportions of households below poverty levels, economic indicators of living standards, such as agricultural wage rates and determinants of the distribution of household farmland, should be identified.
[Unpublished] 1994. Presented at the International Conference on Population and Development [ICPD], Cairo, Egypt, September 5-13, 1994.  p.In his address to the 1994 International Conference on Population and Development, the Deputy Prime Minister of Tuvalu noted that the attendance at the Conference exceeded the population of his country. He was grateful that Tuvalu and other small nations had been included. Tuvalu places a high priority on population issues within the multi-disciplinary framework of environmental and developmental concerns. Tuvalu's very existence is threatened by environmental factors: if the sea level rises, the country will disappear, and there will be 10,000 more environmental refugees. The population policy of Tuvalu has 3 concerns: rural-urban migration, management of land resources, and establishment and implementation of effective information, education, and communication programs on population. Land is the most valuable resource of the nation (which has only 26 sq. km.), and improvements in its management are crucial and are being approached through efforts to decentralize the government. Efforts are being made to reduce population growth from its current 1.7% to 1% by 2004 through education, involvement of husbands as well as wives, and voluntary adoption of family planning methods. Tuvalu, like other nations, will require the assistance of the international donor community to meet its goals.
Conservation of West and Central African rainforests. Conservation de la foret dense en Afrique centrale et de l'Ouest.
Washington, D.C., World Bank, 1992. xi, 353 p. (World Bank Environment Paper No. 1)This World Bank publication is a collection of selected papers presented at the Conference on Conservation of West and Central African Rainforests in Abidjan, Ivory Coast, in November 1990. These rainforests are very important to the stability of the regional and global environment, yet human activity is destroying them at a rate of 2 million hectares/year. Causes of forest destruction are commercial logging for export, conversion of forests into farmland, cutting of forests for fuelwood, and open-access land tenure systems. Other than an introduction and conclusion, this document is divided into 8 broad topics: country strategies, agricultural nexus, natural forestry management, biodiversity and conservation, forest peoples and products, economic values, fiscal issues, and institutional and private participation issues. Countries addressed in the country strategies section include Zaire, Cameroon, Sao Tome and Principe, and Nigeria. The forest peoples and products section has the most papers: wood products and residual from forestry operations in the Congo; Kutafuta Maisha: searching for life on Zaire's Ituri forest frontier; development in the Central African rainforest: concern for forest peoples; concern for Africa's forest peoples: a touchstone of a sustainable development policy; Tropical Forestry Action Plans and indigenous people: the case of Cameroon; forest people and people in the forest: investing in local community development; and women and the forest: use and conservation of forestry resources other than wood. Topics in the economic values section range from debt-for-nature swaps to environmental labeling. Forestry taxation and forest revenue systems are discussed under fiscal issues. The conclusion discusses saving Africa's rainforests.
Cambridge, Massachusetts, Harvard Institute for International Development, 1990 Aug. v, 51 p. (Development Discussion Paper No. 355)Development planners often disregard the counter development risks of development projects in developing countries. Since they do not acknowledge these risks beforehand and do not take action to circumvent or reduce these risks, some counter development effects cause a considerable unexpected chain reaction. For example, dam construction agencies either underestimate population displacement numbers or do not include the estimates in feasibility reports. The development of Lake Sobradinho in Brazil displaced 65,000 inhabitants. 24,000 were supposed to relocate 800km upstream, but only 28% actually moved there. Many people lost their possessions and animals. Once they arrived at the new location, they had to fend for themselves. A hydropower and irrigation project on the Citarum river in West Java, Indonesia, resulted in a 49% lower household income and a 47% lower land ownership. The Kiambere reservoir project in Kenya caused mean land holding size to fall from 13-6 hectares, a >33% reduction in livestock, and >66% reduction in yields of maize and beans. Thus water resource development programs designed to bring irrigation, flood control, drinking water, energy, and better navigation to the aggregate population often result in impoverishment for the dislocated population. Joblessness, homelessness, morbidity, marginalization, and the disintegration of social and kinship networks also cause impoverishment. Water resource development planners can incorporate preventive and mitigating measures to guarantee adequate resettlement of the displaced persons into these projects via 4 frameworks. The policy framework involves guidelines for forced population displacement. Governments need to develop a legal framework to protect the interests and rights of the displaced people. The planning framework requires resettlement actions plans (ideally to reduce displacement) to be an integral part of planning the project. The organizational framework places resettlement high on the list of priorities.
In: Environmental management and urban vulnerability, edited by Alcira Kreimer, Mohan Munasinghe. Washington, D.C., World Bank, 1992. 153-74. (World Bank Discussion Papers 168)Hazard-prone urban areas may be the only land available for squatter or other low-income settlements in developing countries because of lack of money. In many cities the scarcity of land is artificially induced by ineffective land management and inappropriate land regulation, lack of secure tenure, inadequate information, and inappropriate taxation. Excessive zoning regulation in Serpong, southwest of Jakarta, restricts residential use to only 34% of the total land area. More information is needed on land ownership, land values, land use; ambient environmental quality, waste management practices; health conditions; housing conditions; and natural hazards and associated risks. To accommodate the needs of low-income populations, one approach restricts development in designated hazard-prone areas but provides alternative safe sites for development while considering availability, location of existing roads and water/wastewater disposal systems, land values, and development pressures. Regulatory approaches including land use controls can be effective, but local officials in developing countries rarely use zoning effectively. Building regulations are important in controlling losses from floods and tropical cyclones. In 1982 the Caribbean Community Secretariat developed a Caribbean Uniform Building Code to reduce damages from tropical cyclones. Shoreline exclusion strategies can also limit residential and tourist development in areas at high risk of deaths and property losses from hurricanes, cyclones, tsunamis, soil liquefaction, land sinkage, and landslides. In the United States, the National Flood Insurance Act of 1968 provides federally subsidized flood insurance for property in mapped flood-prone areas. Environmental impact assessments address whether a proposed project will be affected by natural hazards. Vulnerability assessments estimate the degree of damage from a natural phenomenon by analyzing human populations; capital resources such as settlements, lifelines, production facilities, public assembly facilities, and cultural patrimony; and economic activities and the normal functioning of settlements.
Washington, D.C., World Bank, 1992. xv, 109 p. (World Bank Technical Paper No. 192; Series on River Blindness Control in West Africa)In 1988 and 1989, anthropologists conducted the Land Settlement Review to examine land settlement after the Onchocerciasis Control Programme (OCP) in western Africa (Benin, Burkina Faso, Ivory Coast, Ghana, Guinea, Guinea-Bissau, Mali, Niger, Senegal, Sierra Leone, and Togo) successfully controlled river blindness. The review showed that successful onchocerciasis control caused rapidly rising migration to river valleys which once had sparse populations due to the threat of river blindness. This migration brought about a range of settlement patterns (highly controlled sponsored settlements to completely uncontrolled spontaneous settlements). It is also government to establish settlement policies. The settlers followed predictable migration patterns as well as adjustment patterns. Completely spontaneous settlements were less expensive than government-sponsored settlement and therefore were the preferable settlement option. Governments could provide basic services and infrastructure in some settlements (assisted settlements), but the settlers make most major decisions. The original population should accept the new settlers if the settlements are to be a success, so settlers should seek formal permission to settle in an area through traditional channels and government agencies. This should assure land tenure. Household income came from cropping, livestock, trading, crafts, and wage labor. Diversification was not what the government preferred, however. Settlers frequented markets to exchange goods and provide social services. Markets provided a means to integrate settlers and the host and pastoral groups. They needed to concede to land use zoning to protect forests and maintain the symbiotic relationship between pastoralists and farmers. The Land Management Program in Burkina Faso was a fine example of land use zoning.
In: Public policies and the misuse of forest resources, edited by Robert Repetto, Malcolm Gillis. Cambridge, England, Cambridge University Press, 1988. 385-410. (World Resources Institute Book)The World Resources Institute has compiled 12 case studies on public policies from developed and developing countries and the misuse of forest resources into 1 book. All of the studies confirm that 3 key products of population growth and rural poverty in developing countries are responsible for deforestation. These products include shifting cultivation, agricultural conversion, and fuelwood gathering. Large development projects also foster forest destruction. Government policies contribute to and exacerbate these pressures which result in inefficient use of natural forest resources. Such policies directly and indirectly undermine conservation, regional development schemes, and other socioeconomic goals. Forestry policies include timber harvest concessions, levels and structures of royalties and fees, utilization of nonwood forests products, and reforestation. Tax incentives, credit subsidies, and resettlement programs comprise examples of nonforestry policies. Trade barriers established by industrialized countries have somewhat encouraged unsuitable investments and patterns of exploitation in forest industries in developing countries. Negotiations between exporting and importing countries within the confines of the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (GATT) and the International Tropical Timber Agreement (ITTA) should strive to reduce tariff escalation and nontariff barriers to processed wood imports from tropical countries and to justify incentives to forest industries in developing countries. These 12 case studies have come to the same conclusion as the UN Food and Agriculture Organization did in 1987: action to conserve forests is needed without delay.
Development. 1992; (2):56-61.Several indigenous minorities living in Sarawak, Malaysia have been protesting against state-backed development agencies, logging and mining companies, and their own state-appointed community leaders since the beginning of the 1980s by signature campaigns and sabotaging machinery in development projects. A 7-month long blockade by Kayan, Kenyah, and Penan tribes against logging activities on their land in 187 resulted in the arrests of 42 members. In August 190 an indigenous group of 24 (mostly females) were detained, and in June 1991 human blockades across logging tracks involved >500 indigenous people, most of them women. According to the population census the aboriginal people are the Orang Asli who constitute only .7% of the population, while other indigenous groups make up 5.3% of Sarawak's total population of 1.3 million. Social relations organized around Islam and Christianity contribute to the unfortunate situation of the indigenous. These communities are engaged in litigations with state development agencies and logging/mining companies over native land tenure rights and compensation for destruction of their forests and the arrests of their members. REcently human rights and environmental organizations have managed to put their case on the agenda of the European Parliament, of the Commonwealth Heads of States Conference, and of the US House of Representatives. Demonstrations on behalf of Sarawak's indigenous minorities by environmentalists and tribal working groups at the Group of Seven Economic Summit in London and at the Malaysian embassies resulted in international media coverage. The European Community with the backing of the International Tropical Timber Organization proposed a ban of Malaysian tropical hardwood imports by 1995 and an $8.5 million aid package to Sarawak for resettlement of natives. Meanwhile logging, mining, and state-sponsored projects continue to displace the indigenous people.
Population and development problems: a critical assessment of conventional wisdom. The case of Zimbabwe.
ZIMBABWE JOURNAL OF ECONOMICS. 1988 Jan; 2(1):81-100.Conventional wisdom, as reflected in reports by the World Bank and the Whitsun Foundation, maintains that control of population growth is the key strategy for stimulating socioeconomic development and ending widespread poverty. The Witsun Foundation has criticized the Government of Zimbabwe for failing to include specific policies for population control in its National Transitional Development Plan. the report further expressed alarm about future availability of land to contain Zimbabwe's growing population. Communal areas are designed for a maximum of 325,000 families yet presently contain 700-800,000 families. This Malthusian, deterministic emphasis on population growth as the source of social ills ignores the broader, complex set of socioeconomic, historical, and political factors that determine material life. Any analysis of population that fails to consider the class structure of society, the type of division of labor, and forms of property and production can produce only meaningless abstractions. For example, consideration of crowding in communal areas must include consideration of inequitable patterns of land ownership in sub-Saharan Africa. Unemployment must be viewed within the context of a capitalist economic structure that relies on an industrial reserve army of labor to ensure acceptance of low wages and labor-intensive conditions. While it is accepted that population growth is creating specific and real problems in Zimbabwe and other African countries, these problems could be ameliorated by land reform and restructuring of the export-oriented colonial economies. Similarly, birth control should not be promoted as the solution to social problems, yet family planning services should be available to raise the status of women. Literacy, agrarian reform, agricultural modernization, and industrialization campaigns free from the dominance of Western capitalism represent the true solutions to Zimbabwe's problems.
POPULI. 1989 Jun; 16(2):4-19.Barriers that prevent women from reaching their full potential should be eliminated, especially in developing countries. Households headed by females are the poorest in the world. In many countries, women are not permitted to own land. Family planning services are essential to the development of women. About US $3 billion a year is spent on family planning services in developing countries. In many developing nations, discrimination against girls is ingrained. Small, weak babies are likely to come from underfed mothers. Childbirth has risks; these are especially so in developing countries. 3/4 of the developing world's health problems can be solved by prevention and cure. In 60 developing countries, women working outside the home tended to have fewer children than those working at home or in the fields. But studies in Turkey, Thailand, and other countries have shown the opposite. In 38 countries, research has shown that only at higher socioeconomic levels is employment an alternative to childbearing. Relying on women for cheap, unskilled labor is a waste of human and economic resources. Better education and higher employment levels could enable women to better contribute to development. Employment figures for women often misrepresent the actual amount of work that women do. Having women do less work and making what they do more profitable might help bring down family size. In almost every country studied recently educated women have had fewer children than less educated women. The families of these educated mothers are likely to be healthier, too. Recommendations addressed mainly to governments, are given in 6 areas: 1) equality of status; 2) documenting and publicizing women's contribution to development; 3) increasing women's productivity and lessening their double burden; 4) providing family planning; 5) improving women's health; and 6) expanding education. Goals for the year 2000 are given. For the last 20 years, the United Nations Fund for Population Activities (UNFPA) has emphasized women's role in population programs and projects. UNFPA has set up an internal Working Group on Women, Population and Development.
BACKGROUND NOTES. 1988 Jul; 1-7.Ethiopia lies in the Horn of Africa at the southern end of the Red Sea. It has the distinction of being the oldest independent country in Africa. In 1936, fascist Italy invaded and occupied Ethiopia, but Ethiopia regained its independence 5 years later with the help of colonial British forces. In 1974, civil unrest led to a coup and the armed forces deposed Emperor Haile Selassie. Today, the socialist government has a national legislature and a new constitution, both of which were created 13 years after the revolution. This government is faced with armed separatist movements in the autonomous regions of Eritrea and Tigre and also with periodic border conflicts with Somali forces. These conflicts combined with a massive drought in 1983-1985 and another in 1987 led to widespread famine in which an estimated 7.9 million people faced starvation and up to 1 million people died. Ethiopia has the potential for self-sufficiency in grains, livestock, vegetables, and fruits. Yet it's agriculture has been plagued not only with drought; but also soil degradation caused by overgrazing, deforestation, and high population density; dislocation due to the economy's rapid centralization; and government policies that do not provide incentives to producers. Still agriculture provides the basis of the nation's economy. Ethiopia has good relations with the Soviet Union, and the foreign policy of Ethiopia generally supports and parallels that of the USSR. After the revolution, the United States' relationship with Ethiopia has cooled because of differences over human rights. The US does assist with drought relief, however.
[Rome, Italy], FAO, . vi,  p.The dimensions of the water crisis and its implications for the population of the world is the subject of a 4-pamphlet packet distributed by the Food and Agriculture Organization of the United Nations. Part 1 relates legends about water and details the role of water in human history. Rapid population growth and its detrimental effects on water conservation and the environmental balance are explained. Recognition of the population growth problem is urged, with government-backed family planning programs recommended. Part 2 gives a detailed explanation of the life cycle and its dependence on soil and water. Climate, vegetation, and types of water are examined in relation to their role in the distribution of available water resources. Future water resources and demand are projected for agriculture, industry, and domestic use. The disruption of the balance between man and water and the problem of water pollution are addressed, as are deforestation, desertification, drought, and the greenhouse effect. Part 3 offers a view of inland waters and agriculture, with a history of irrigation and the role of irrigation today. Rural water, its use, sources, storage, and collection are examined in relation to work distribution, family size, and sanitation. Problems arising from unsafe water supplies, including disease, infection, and malnutrition are discussed, and examples are given of small-scale projects that have successfully addressed these problems. The final section deals with water and the future. A continuing effort at water and land conservation, as well as surface water and ground water management, is urged. Irrigation planning and supporting systems, such as terracing, fallowing, and improved cropping patterns, are presented as further management techniques. Preserving existing resources, lifting, various kinds of wells, new storage methods and purification systems, are suggested to increase domestic water conservation. Examples of water projects in Africa, Asia, and the South Pacific are presented. Finally, population management and its crucial role in future water resources allocation, conservation, and distribution, is provided.