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Washington, D.C., Population Reference Bureau [PRB], 2003 Aug. 3 p.Still reaping the repercussions of the Asian financial crisis, Indonesia has in recent years struggled with numerous difficulties ranging from social unrest, political instability, and ethnic and sectarian violence to a decline in access to health care and other public services. More recent events, including the bomb blast in Jakarta — which followed other deadly bombings in 2002 — have increased fears that the sprawling archipelago may be facing new political and population pressures. (excerpt)
[Unpublished] 2003. Strategy paper for the Global Compact Policy Dialogue on HIV / AIDS, Geneva, Switzerland, May 12-13, 2003. 4 p.Successful businesses are those that adapt to the changing environment in which they operate: this could include changes in technology, legislation, markets or labour supply. HIV/AIDS is now a factor that companies must take into account in their planning and operations. It has been clear for some time that many companies are affected in two main ways: production is disrupted and productivity reduced at the same time as direct labour costs are rising. Productivity is affected by the loss of skilled and experienced workers, by absenteeism, and by falling workplace morale, including the loss of confidence in companies who take no action in high-prevalence situations. Rising costs include medical treatment, funeral costs, insurance, and the costs of replacing, training and retraining staff. (excerpt)
Proceeding of the World Population Conference, Rome, Italy, 31 August-10 September 1954. Summary report.
New York, United Nations, Department of Economic and Social Affairs, 1955. 207 p.The 1954 World Population Conference was the 1st scientific conference on the problems of population to be held under the auspices of the United Nations. This document describes the organization of the conference and contains a list of the 28 meetings held, the topics of discussion of each meeting, a list of the papers contributed and their authors, and a summary report of each meeting. Annex A provides a list of the officers of the conference and members of cimmittees. Annex B lists the participants and contributors. Topics discussed include mortality trends; demographic statistics--quality, techniques of measurement and analysis; fertility trends; new census undertakings; migration; legislation, administrative programs and services for population control; population projection methods and prospects; preliterate peoples; age distribution; socioeconomic consequences of an aging population; demographic aspects of socioeconomic development; design and control of demographic field studies; agricultural and industrial development; genetics and population; research on fertility and intelligence; social implications of population changes; recruitment and training of demographic researchers and teachers; forecast for world population growth and distribution; and economic and social implications of the present population trends.
SERVIR. 1995 Sep-Oct; 43(5):270-2.A seminar of the International Labor Organization (ILO) was held to shed light on the role of AIDS in decimating qualified professionals in Anglophone Africa. The estimates of the World Health Organization indicate that the number of people infected with HIV in the whole world was 13-15 million persons at the end of 1994, of which 8 million lived in sub-Saharan Africa. In Uganda it is calculated that 1.5 million people are carriers of HIV, and by 1998 this figure could increase to 1.9 million. In both Zambia and Zimbabwe, in the 20-39 year age group, AIDS cases amount to 70% and 74%, respectively. Studies carried out in Rwanda, Zaire, Swaziland, and Zimbabwe revealed that AIDS is most frequent among members of the higher socioeconomic classes. The inability to find replacements for jobs requiring higher qualifications will result in dire consequences for these economies. During the 6-year period between 1988-89 and 1993-94 the Uganda Commercial Bank registered 229 deaths due to AIDS among its 1600 employees (14%). AIDS also requires the expenditure of scarce health resources on treatment: in 1992, hospital occupancy for diseases associated with AIDS reached 40-60% in Kinshasa, Zaire; 50% in Lusaka, Zambia; 60% in Kigali, Rwanda; and 70% in Bujumbura, Burundi. Various programs have been launched to fight HIV/AIDS in Zimbabwe, Zambia, and Uganda, to sensitize and educate people about the epidemic. The protection of human rights, the avoidance of discrimination, and the adoption of safe sex techniques are promoted by these programs. Companies have programs to combat AIDS. Ubombo Ranches Ltd. in Swaziland started an information program in 1991 and distributed free condoms. BAT Uganda Ltd. also started an information and training-of-trainers program in 1989, which by 1994 had benefitted about 90% of the employees. This has resulted in the reduction of AIDS cases and associated medical costs.
Statistics and indicators on women in Africa. 1986. Statistiques et indicateurs sur les femmes en Afrique. 1986.
New York, New York, United Nations, 1989. xi, 225 p. (Social Statistics and Indicators Series K No. 7)This compendium provides statistics by country on a number of measures of women's status and participation in decision making in Africa. Chapters are devoted to statistics on population composition and distribution, households and families, economic participation and not in the labor force, national household income and expenditures, education and literacy, health and health services and disability, housing conditions and settlement patterns, political participation, and crime. The last chapter gives information on population statistics programs. The time reference period covers 1970-86. 31 statistical tables are given. Population estimates and projections use statistics available as of 1984 from the Compendium of Human Settlements Statistics and the Demographic Yearbook. First marriage is calculated on the basis of a single census or survey according to procedures described by Hajnal. The economically active population refers to work for pay or profit or availability for work. Employment includes enterprise workers, own-account workers, employees, unpaid family workers, members of cooperatives, and members of the armed forces. Attempts are made to more accurately present women's work, particularly for unpaid family work for production for own or household consumption and own-account workers. Occupational groups include professional, administrative, and clerical. Agricultural, industrial, and forestry workers are included in the total. Educational levels pertain to ages 5-7 and lasting about 5 years, ages 10-12 and lasting about 3 years, ages 13-15 and lasting 4 years, and ages 17-19 and lasting at least 3 or 4 years. Health indicators include mortality and survival rates, causes of death, selection female measures, cigarette consumption, and disability. Housing is differentiated by availability of electricity, piped water, and toilets. Women's political participation refers to representation in parliamentary assemblies and as professional staff in the UN Secretariat. Crime includes arrests and prison population. Population programs include data collection in censuses, household surveys conducted under the UN Survey Capability Program, and civil registration systems.
Geneva, Switzerland, WHO, 1992. vii, 107 p.WHO has compiled tables and graphs in a book reflecting various components of the health of women worldwide. These tables and graphs demonstrate that women continue to be denied their right to health--the most basic of human rights. Gender-related factors account, for the most part, for women's vulnerability, resulting in poorer health for females than males. They reveal the social discrimination women who experience. The book covers women's lifespan to illustrate not only inequity and discrimination throughout the years, but also the intergenerational effects, importance of adolescence, the broader context of women's reproduction, and the importance of elderly women. It first examines socioeconomic determinants of women's health, such as women's status, female literacy, income level, labor force participation, mother's education, and female-headed household. Next, it looks at infancy and childhood, specifically sex preference, breast feeding and weaning, child nutrition, sex-specific mortality, and sex-specific incidence rates for respiratory infections. It then moves on to explore adolescence. It covers the adult years prior to age 65 by focusing on women at work, pregnancy and childbirth, infections and chronic diseases (e.g., HIV/AIDS, sexually transmitted diseases, malaria, cancer, and smoking-related diseases), and violence and mental disorders (e.g., domestic violence, homicide, rape, depression, and drug and alcohol abuse). It concludes with tables and graphs on elderly women. They show life expectancy, disability-free life expectancy, widowhood, distribution of the elderly, elderly living in rural and urban areas, cardiovascular disease death rates, osteoarthritis, and a definite rheumatoid arthritis.
Development. 1989; (4):77-82.Contemporary multilateral loan agreements to developing nations, unlike previous project and program aid, have often been contingent upon the effective implementation of structural adjustment programs of market liberalization and macroeconomic policy redirection. These programs herald such reform as necessary steps on the road to economic growth and development. Price decontrol and policy change may also, however, generate the more immediate and undesirable effects of exacerbated urban sector bias and plummeting income and quality of life in the general population. This paper considers the resultant changes expected in the political arena, product and input pricing, small business promotion and formation, export crop production, interest rate policy reform and financial market deregulation, exchange rate and public sector expenditure, and the labor market, and their effect upon women's economic position. The author notes, however, that women are not affected uniformly by these changes and sectoral disruptions, but that some women will suffer more than others. To develop policy to effectively meet the needs of these target groups, more subpopulation specificity is required. Approaches useful in identifying vulnerable women in particular societies are explored. Once identified, these women, especially those who head poor households, should be afforded protection against the turbulence and short- to medium-term economic decline associated with adjustment.
New York, New York, UNFPA, . vii, 96 p.Working to balance population growth with socioeconomic development, the Government of India has had a population policy in place since 1951. Net reproduction rate of 1 is targeted to be met by the year 2000. This paper present India's population policy, and analyzes overall strategy for achieving population goals. While strategy is basically sound, there are, however, serious problems with program implementation. Information, education, and communication activities, as well as population education are reviewed. Non-governmental organizations and organized labor are then examined in the context of their roles in overall population strategy. Programmatic review continues and concludes with discussion of integrated maternal and child health/family planning components, improving the status and roles of women, and consideration of institutional framework, coordination, and management. Specific observations and recommendations are presented for each of these issues and topics, as well as for data collection and policy analysis, and the coordination of population assistance. Future UNFPA country programs should expand already initiated projects, and develop new ones aimed at providing a wider array of locally available contraceptives. While past assistance has focused upon health and family planning, future programs may encourage other areas of population activities. Examples of such activities include demographic research and training, research and action programs in women and development, and experimental approaches to population education.
International Family Planning Perspectives. 1991 Sep; 17(3):108-13.South Asia consisting of Bangladesh, India, Nepal Pakistan, and Sri Lanka, claims 1/5 to total world population with expected population growth of at least 200 million by the year 2000. Taking issue with assumptions behind World Bank (WB) and United Nations (UN) population projections for the region, the authors make less optimistic assumptions of country fertility and mortality trends when running population projections for the region. Following discussion of methodological issues for and analysis of population projections, the paper's alternate assumptions and projection results are presented and discussed. Projections were made for each country of the region over the period 1985-2010, based on assumptions that only very modest fertility declines and improvements in life expectancy would develop over most of the 1990s. South Asian population would therefore grow from over 1 billion in 1985, to 1.4 billion by 2000, and almost 1.8 billion by 2010. Overall slower fertility decline than assumed for the UN and WB projections point to larger population growth with momentum for continued, larger growth through the 21st century. Rapid, substantial population growth as envisioned by these projections will impede movement toward an urban-industrial economy, with a burgeoning labor force exceeding the absorptive capacity of the modern sector. Job seekers will pile up in agriculture and the informal sector. Demands upon the government to deliver education and health services will also be extraordinarily high. High-tech niches will, however, continue expanding in India and Pakistan with overall negative social effects. Their low demand for labor will exacerbate income disparities, fuel interpersonal, interclass, and interregional tensions, and only contribute to eventual ethnic, communal, and political conflict. Immediate, coordinated policy is urged to achieve balanced low mortality and low fertility over the next few decades.
New York, New York, United Nations, 1991. x, 58 p. (ST/ESA/SER.R/113)With approximately 12% of its 1980 population over age 60, Argentina's elderly constitute a higher-than-average proportion of the total population when compared to other developing countries. Governments are increasingly assuming greater responsibility for the care and support of the elderly. Accordingly, this paper describes the social and economic aspects of population ageing in Argentina, with the aim of providing planners with a better understanding of the social and economic implications of these demographic changes. Better understanding should result in the development of appropriate plans and policies targeted to the elderly. While the ageing process in Argentina is comparatively advanced when compared to other developing countries, ageing presently proceeds at a slower pace when compared to past trends. Slow ageing is also projected into the future. The elderly, themselves, have been ageing, and tend to live to a greater extent in urban areas. Elderly women when compared to men are more likely to live alone and in urban settings. Despite a stagnating economy, social gains and improvements in living conditions for the elderly have been largely sustained. The working-age population grew more slowly, however, over recent decades than the total population. The number of retirement system beneficiaries also grew over the period, with retirement benefits reported as the leading sources of income among the elderly. The health care system remains strained by the country's present economic situation, with care failing to reach all of the elderly. Wide societal agreement exists that the family should be a major care provider. With more than 1/2 of all persons aged 65 and over living in extended or mixed households, the family plans an important care and support function.
Manila, Philippines, Asian Development Bank, Economics Office, 1987 May. 28 p. (Economics Office Report Series No. 40)Even though population growth rates continue to decline in developing member countries (DMCs) of the Asian Development Bank, they will experience absolute population increases larger than those in the past. More importantly, the labor force continues to grow and absolute increases will be greater than any other time in history. Family planning education and access to contraceptives have contributed to the decline in population growth rates, but nothing can presently be done to decrease the rates of increase of the labor force because the people have already been born. Since most of the DMSs' populations are growing at 2% or more/year, much needed economic growth is delayed. For example, for any country with a growing population to maintain the amount of capital/person, it must spread capital. Yet the faster the population grows the lesser the chances for increasing that amount. The Bank's short to medium term development policy should include loans for projects that will generate employment using capital widening and deepening and that develop rural areas, such as employment in small industries, to prevent urban migration. Other projects that engulf this policy are those concerning primary, secondary and adult education; health; food supply; and housing and infrastructure. The long term development policy must bolster population programs in DMCs so as to reduce the growth of the economically active segment of the population in the 21st century. In addition, the Bank should address fertility issues as more and more women join the work force. The Bank can play a major role in Asian development by considering the indirect demographic and human resource impacts of each project.
ISSUES IN SCIENCE AND TECHNOLOGY. 1988 Winter; 4(2):43-8.Without a medical miracle, it seems inevitable that the Acquired Immune Deficiency Syndrome (AIDS) pandemic will become not only the most serious public health problem of this generation but a dominating issue in 3rd world development. As a present-day killer, AIDS in developing countries is insignificant compared to malaria, tuberculosis, or infant diarrhea, but this number is misleading in 3 ways. First, it fails to reflect the per capita rate of AIDS cases. On this basis, Bermuda, French Guyana, and the Bahamas have much higher rates than the US. Second, there is extensive underreporting of AIDS cases in most developing nations. Finally, the number of AIDS cases indicates where the epidemic was 5-7 years ago, when these people became infected. Any such projections of the growth of 3rd world AIDS epidemics are at this time based on epidemiologic data from the industrialized rations of the north and on the assumption that the virus acts similarly in the south as it does in the US and Europe. Yet, 3rd world conditions differ. Sexually transmitted diseases usually are more prevalent, and people have a different burden of other diseases and of other stresses to the immune system. In Africa, AIDS already is heavily affecting the mainstream population in some nations. Some regions will approach net population declines over the next decade. How far their populations eventually could decline because of AIDS is unclear and will depend crucially on countermeasures taken or not taken over the next 1-2 years. In purely economic terms, AIDS will affect the direct costs of health care, expenses which are unrealistic for most 3rd world countries. Further, the vast majority of deaths from AIDS in developing countries will occur among those in the sexually active age groups -- the wage earners and food producers. Deaths in this age group also will reduce the labor available for farming and industry. AIDS epidemics also may have significant effects on foreign investment in the 3rd world as well as negative effects on tourism. The global underclass will be disproportionately affected by AIDS as the blacks and Hispanics already are in New York and Miami. Thus far, the reaction of donor countries to the World Health Organization's (WHO) appeal for funds to fight the battle against AIDS has been excellent. The global strategy of WHO places priority on national campaigns, but none of the national campaigns will be effective unless linked to similar actions in other nations to form a vigorous international program. The US has a special responsibility to provide international leadership on AIDS. The US is the world leader in AIDS research and has the bulk of the virus research capacity. Further, no country can come close to matching US experience in dealing with AIDS through "safe sex" education campaigns.
Bangkok, Thailand, ILO Regional Office for Asia and the Pacific, . 52,  p.The 1984 review of the International Labour Organisation's (ILO) Regional Office in Asia and the Pacific attempts to bring out new developments, trends, and issues of the ILO programs and to illustrate broad issues with concrete and specific profiles whenever possible. The special theme of this year's issue is production and productivity improvement; this issue includes an account of ILO's assistance to governments and to employer's and workers' organization in productivity enhacement programs. The ILO program in 1984 has endeavored to assist member countries in their efforts to offset the adverse social and labor impact of the recent economic recession. Studies have been undertaken on labor migration, which in some countries may offer a relief to ailing economies. The energy sector has been another important area of concern--in particular, manpower, training, and the social implications of verious energy resources such as coal, biogas, electricity, and geothermal energy. Today workers must be equipped with the kind of vocational skills which will permit them to change occupations, often several times in their lifetime. Rural labor forces in developing countries, steeped in millenia of traditional values, must be able to face the technological advances of the 21st century. The ILO continues to provide assistance to its tripartite constituents, within the framework of the respective countries' priorities, in the development of human resources, raising living standards, improving working conditions and the environment, and the promotion of full employment. This year, for the 1st time, a full-time Adviser on International Labour Standards is providing countries advisory services on all aspects of ILO international standards setting activities. Further, new offices were opened in Colombo in November 1984 and Bejing in January 1985.
Bangkok, Thailand, ILO Regional Office for Asia and the Pacific, . 61,  p.The International Labour Organization's (ILO) 1985 annual report for the Asia and the Pacific region summarizes the activities of a year spent in consolidating past programs and charting the course and direction of ILO's future programs. 2 major events of the year at which leading labor figures converged were the Tenth Asia and Pacific Labour Ministers' Conference and the Tenth Asian Regional Conference of the ILO. A number of recommendations, conclusions, and resolutions calling for measures to enhance the effectiveness of ILO programs and projects was suggested. A new ILO office in Beijing was set up in the beginning of the year in pursurance of ILO's policy of decentralization, bringing to 10 the number of ILO representative offices in the region. The ILO's technical assistance programs continue to promote social and economic development through human resources development, the improvement of living and working conditions, job creation, and the development of social institutions. The dynamism and diversity of the region made an impact on ILO activities during 1985 affecting such areas as technology, migration, and productivity. Programs to alleviate the plight of specific disadvantaged groups such as women, young workers, and disabled persons have also been actively pursued. This annual review of ILO activities provides information on the scope and depth of ILO's multifaceted work in this region.
In: Aspects of population change and development in some African and Asian countries. Cairo, Egypt, Cairo Demographic Centre, 1984. 43-56. (CDC Research Monograph Series no. 9)This paper examines the relationship between economic development and demographic change in the 13 states of the Economic Commission for West Asia (ECWA) region. Demographic variables considered include per capita income, proportion urban, proportion in urban areas with over 100,000 inhabitants, literacy among those over 15 years, and literacy among women. Unweighted rankings on these variables were added to produce a development ranking or general development index. Then this index was used to investigate the relationship between development and individual scores and rankings for various demographic indices. The development index exhibited a rough fit with the mortality indices, especially life expectancy at birth. Mortality decline appears to be most closely related to rise in income. At the same income level, countries that have experienced substantial social change tend to exhibit the lowest mortality, presumably because of a loosening in family role patterns. In contrast, the relationship between development and fertility measures seemed to be almost random. A far closer correlation was noted between the former and the general development index. It is concluded that economic development alone will not reduce fertility. Needed are 2 changes: 1) profound social change in the family and in women's status, achievable through increases in female education, and 2) government family planning programs to ensure access to contraception.
Women At Work. 1984; (2):1-71.This document describes the current status of maternity protection legislation in developed and developing countries and is based primarily on the findings of the International Labor Organization's (ILO's) global assessment of laws and regulations concerning working women before and after pregnancy. The global survey collected information from 18 Asian and Pacific countries, 36 African nations, 28 North and South American countries, 14 Middle Eastern countries, 19 European market economy countries, and 11 European socialist countries. Articles in 2 ILO conventions provide standards for maternity protection. According to the operative clauses of these conventions working women are entitled to 1) 12 weeks of maternity leave, 2) cash benefits during maternity leaves, 3) nursing breaks during the work day, and 4) protection against dismissal during maternity. Most countries have some qualifying conditions for granting maternity leaves. These conditions either state that a worker must be employed for a certain period of time or contributed to an insurance plan over a defined period of time before a maternity leave will be granted. About 1/2 of the countries in the Asia and Pacific region, the Americas, Africa, and in the Europe market economy group provide maternity leaves of 12 or more weeks. In all European socialist countries, women are entitled to at least 12 weeks maternity leave and in many leaves are considerably longer than 12 months. In the Middle East all but 3 countries provide leaves of less than 12 weeks. Most countries which provide maternity leaves also provide cash benefits, which are usually equivalent to 50%-100% of the worker's wages, and job protection during maternity leaves. Some countries extend job protection beyond the maternity leave. For example, in Czechoslovakia women receive job protection during pregnancy and for 3 years following the birth, if the woman is caring for the child. Nursing breaks are allowed in 5 of the Asian and Pacific countries, 30 of African countries, 18 of the countries in the Americas, 9 of the Middle East countries, 16 of European market economy countries, and in all of the European socialist countries. Several new trends in maternity protection were observed in the survey. A number of countries grant child rearing leaves following maternity leaves. In some countries these leaves can be granted to either the husband or the wife. Some countries have regulations which allow parents to work part time while rearing their children and some permit parents to take time off to care for sick children. In most of the countries, the maternity protection laws and regulations are applied to government workers and in many countries they are also applied to workers in the industrial sector. A list of the countries which have ratified the articles in the ILO convenants concerning maternity benefits is included.
In: Quantitative approaches to analyzing socioeconomic determinants of Third World fertility trends: reviews of the literature. Project final report: overview, by Indiana University Fertility Determinants Group, George J. Stolnitz, director. [Unpublished] 1984. 79-91.Simple no-work/work distinctions are an unreliable basis for estimating causal linkages connecting female employment/work-status patterns to fertility. World Fertility Survey (WFS) data show about 3/4, 1/2, and 1/4 child differentials for over 20, 10-19, and under 10 years marital duration grouss respectively, for women employed since marriage. Effects on marriage seem strongest in Latin America and weakest in Asia. Controlling for age, marital duration, urban-rural residence, education, and husband's work status. But from the results of a number of WFS and other studies, it seems relationships of work status and fertility are difficult to confirm beyond directional indications, even in Latin America. A UN study using proximate determinants such as contraception and work status including a housework category indicated differentials in contraceptive practice were not significant net of control for education. Philippine data indicates low-income employment might increase fertility by decreasing breastfeeding, while WFS data from 5 Asian countries indicated pre-marital work encourages increased marriage age, without being specific about effects. Also, female employment must affect a large population to have a real impact on aggregate fertility, since female labor force activity is likely to change slowly if at all. Data presently available do not cover micro-level factors that may be important, such as effects of work on breastfeeding, nor do they lend themselves to examination by multi-equation analysis. More work is needed to isolate effects of work-status attributes like male employment, and to analyze intra-cohort mid-course fertility objective changes, as well as new theoretical process models such as competing time use and maternal role incompatibility.
Socio-economic development and fertility decline in Costa Rica. Background paper prepared for the project on socio-economic development and fertility decline.
New York, New York, United Nations, 1985. 118 p. (ST/ESA/SER.R/55)This summary of information on the development process in Costa Rica and its relation to fertility from 1950-70 is a revision of a study prepared for the Workshop on Socioeconomic Development and Fertility Decline held in Costa Rica in April 1982 as part of a UN comparative study of 5 developing countries. The report contains chapters on background information on fertility and the family, historical facts, and political organization of Costa Rica; the development strategy and its consequences vis a vis the composition of the gross domestic product, balance of trade, investment trends, the structure of the labor force, educational levels, and income; the allocation of public resources in public employment, public investment, credit, public expenditures, and the impact of resource allocation policies; changes in land tenure patterns; cultural factors affecting fertility, including education, women and their family roles, behavior in the home, women and politics, work and social security, and race and religion; changes in demographic variables, including nuptiality patterns, marital fertility, and natural fertility and birth control; characteristics and determining factors of the decline in fertility, including levels and trends, decline by age group, decline in terms of birth order, differences among population groups, how fertility declined, and history and role of family planning programs; and a discussion of the modernization process in Costa Rica and the relationship between demographic and socioeconomic variables. Beginning with the 1948 civil war, Costa Rica underwent drastic changes which were still reflected in national life as late as 1970. The industrial sector and the government bureaucracy have become decisive forces in development and the government has become the major employer. The state plays a key role in economic life, and state participation is a determining factor in extending medical and educational resources in the social field. The economically active population declined from 64% in 1960 to 55% in 1975 due to urbanization and migration from rural to urban areas, but there was an increase in economic participation of women, especially in urban areas. Increased educational level of the population in general and women in particular created changes in traditional attitudes and behavior. Although there is no specific explanation of why Costa Rica's fertility decline occurred, some observations about its determining factors and mechanisms can be made: the considerable economic development of the 1950s and 1960s brought about a rapid rise in per capita income and changes in the structure of production as well as substantial social development, increased opportunities for self-improvement for some social groups, and a rise in expectations. The size of the family became an aspect of conflict between rising expectations and increasing expenses. The National Family Planning Program helped accelerate the fertility decline.
The changing roles of women and men in the family and fertility regulation: some labour policy aspects
In: Family and population. Proceedings of the "Scientific Conference on Family and Population," Espoo, Finland, May 25-27, 1984, edited by Hellevi Hatunen. Helsinki, Finland, Vaestoliitto, 1984. 62-83.There is growing evidence that labor policies, such as those advocated by the International Labor Organization (ILO), promote changes in familial roles and that these changes in turn have an impact on fertility. A conceptual model describing these linkages is offered and the degree to which the linkages hypothesized in the model are supported by research findings is indicated. The conceptual model specifies that: 1) as reliance on child labor declines, through the enactment of minimum age labor laws, the economic value of children declines, and parents adopt smaller family size ideals; 2) as security increases for the elderly, through the provision of social security and pension plans, the elderly become less dependent on their children, and the perceived need to produce enough children to ensure security in old age is diminished; and 3) as sexual equality in job training and employment and the availability of flexible work schedules increase, sexual equality in the domestic setting increases, and women begin to exert more control over their own fertility. ILO studies and many other studies provide considerable evidence in support of these hypothesized linkages; however, the direction or causal nature of some of the associations has not been established. Development levels, rural or urban residence, and a number of other factors also appear to influence many of these relationships. Overall, the growing body of evidence accords well with ILO programs and instruments which promote: 1) the enactment of minimum age work laws to reduce reliance on child labor, 2) the establishment of social security systems and pension plans to promote the economic independence of the elderly, 3) the promotion of sexual equality in training programs and employment; 4) the promotion of the idea of sexual equality in the domestic setting; and 5) the establishment of employment policies which do not unfairly discriminate against workers with family responsibilities.
In: Population, resources, environment and development. Proceedings of the Expert Group on Population, Resources, Environment and Development, Geneva, 25-29 April 1983, [compiled by] United Nations. Department of International Economic and Social Affairs. New York, New York, United Nations, 1984. 383-402. (Population Studies No. 90; ST/ESA/SER.A/90; International Conference on Population, 1984)Following an exploration of the interrelationships between population, development, and international economic relations, this paper discusses the trade requirements of a growing population under the International Development Strategy. The discussion concludes with some reflections concerning the nature of the structural adjustments in the world economy necessary to create an international environment supportive of the development needs of the developing countries and conducive to a sustained growth of the world economy. Because of the close link between production and international economic relations, any change in the rate of growth of population has implications for trading patterns and the flow of capital. Population also directly affects the level of consumption and hence, import demand for consumer goods and for raw materials and the capital equipment necessary to produce goods for final consumption. Evidence exists in support of the view that the savings rate could be influenced by demographic trends. Also the role of changing age structure of the population should not be discounted. The experience of the fastest growing developing countries reflects the strong links between development, industrialization, and international trade. Their liberal trading policies and outward orientations have contributed significantly to their success. Given the projected population growth for developing countries of 2.6% in the 1980s and 2.3% in the 1990s, the gross domestic product (GDP) per capita growth target would be 4.4% in the 1980s and 4.7% in the 1990s. Achievement of the ambitious growth targets set by the International Development Strategy would only make a modest beginning towards narrowing the relative income gap between the developed and developing countries by 2000. Accelerating the growth of developing countries would require a faster accumulation of capital or an increase in the investment to GDP ratio from 26.7% in 1980 to 28.8% in 1990 and 27.6% in 2000. A table shows that the resulting external balance in the year 2000 would be 4.8% of the GDP of developing countries as a whole. The developed market economies will need to improve substantially their savings performance in order to make available financial resources needed by developing economies.
New York, New York, United Nations, 1984. ix, 534 p. (International Conference on Population, 1984; Statements ST/ESA/SER.A/90)Contained in this volume are the report (Part I) and the selected papers (Part II) of the Expert Group on Population, Resources, Environment and Development which review past trends and their likely future course in each of the 4 areas, taking into account not only evolving concepts but also the need to consider population, resources, environment and development as a unified structure. Trends noted in the population factor include world population growth and the differences between rates in the developed and developing countries; the decline in the proportion of the population who are very young and the concomitant increase in the average age of the population. Discussed within the resource factor are the labor force, the problem of increasing capital shortage, expenditures on armaments, trends in the supply and productivity of arable land, erosion and degradation of topsoil and energy sources. Many of the problems identified overlap with the environment factor, which centers on the problem of pollution. The group on the development factor was influenced by a pervasiv sense of "crisis" in current economic trends. Concern was also expressed regarding the qualitative aspects of current development trends, defined as the perverse effects of having adopted inappropriate styles of development. Part II begins with a general overview of recent levels and trends in the 4 areas along with the concepts of carrying capacity and optimum population. Other papers discuss the impact of trends in resources, environment and development on demographic prospects; long-term effects of global population growth on the international system; economic considerations in the choice of alternative paths to a stationary population and the need for integration of demographic factors in development planning. The various papers on the resources and environment factor focus on resources as a barrier to population growth; the effects of population growth on renewable resources; food production and population growth in Africa; the frailty of the balance between the 4 areas and the need for a holistic approach on a scale useful for regional planning. Also addressed are: social development; population and international economic relations; development, lifestyles, population and environment in Latin America; issues of population growth, inequality and poverty; health, population and development trends; education requirements and trends in female literacy; the challenge posed by the aging of populations; and population and development in the ECE region.
In: United Nations. Department of International Economic and Social Affairs. Population Division. Fertility and familiy. New York, New York, United Nations, 1984. 321-51. (International Conference on Population, 1984; Statements)This paper presents a conceptual model indicating some of the established and hypothesized links between a number of labor laws and policies, in particular International Labor Organization (ILO) conventions, divisions of labor and resources by sex and age, familial roles and fertility. Brielfy outlined are the content and goals of some of the ILO conventions and programms that have a bearing on the conditions widely thought to be related to fertility decline. These include improved status of relatively deprive groups, such as women and children, and individual access to training, employment and incomes. These changes are viewed in terms of their potential impact on family relations, including changing parental roles and costs of bearing and raising children in view of the impact of diminishing child labor, and the increasing availability of social security benefits. Another aspect is sexual equality, in particular the impact of equality in the occupational sphere on equality in the domestic sphere and the consequent effects on reproduction. In addition, the impacts of social and spatial mobility are indicated and the potential effects on role conflicts, individualism and lower fertility. A thrust of the paper is to emphasize the critical intervening nature of changing familial roles, which have been neglected, both in labor reports and related activities as well as in the documentation and policy-making related to fertility. Micro-evidence from a variety of cultural contexts shows how changes and differences in allocations of tasks and resources and status benefits between kin, parents and offspring, wives and husbands are associated with changes and differences in fertility-related aspirations and patterns of regulation. Finally, the discussion serves to underline the pervasive and profound nature of the potential impacts of divisions of labor and employment policies on fertility levels, demonstrating that changes in familial roles and relations are central to this process of linkage. Thus, the need is made apparent for more knowledge and understanding of the dynamics of change in this area at the micro-level and in a variety of cultural areas, if government policies and programms are to achieve their specific goals with respect both to employment and demographic policies.
New York, United Nations, 1984. 108 p. (Population Studies, No. 85; ST/ESA/SER.A/85)The 3 parts of this report on world, regional, and international developments in the field of population, present a summary of levels, trends, and prospects in mortality, fertility, nuptiality, international migration, population growth, age structure, and urbanization; consider some important issues in the interrelationships between economic, social, and demographic variables, with special emphasis on the problems of food supply and employment; and deal with the policies and perceptions of governments on population matters. The 1st part of the report is based primarily on data compiled by the UN Population Division. The 2nd part is based on information provided by the Food and Agriculture Organization of the UN (FAO) and the International Labor Organization (ILO), as well as that compiled by the Population Division. The final part is based on information in the policy data bank maintained by the Population Division, including responses to the UN Fourth Population Inquiry among Governments. In 1975-80 the expectation of life at birth for the world was estimated at 57.2 years for both sexes combined. The corresponding figure for the developed and developing regions was 71.9 and 54.7 years, respectively. In 1975-80 the birthrate of the world was estimated at 28.9/1000 population and the gross reproduction rate was 1.91. These figures reflect considerable decline from the levels attained 25 years earlier: a crude birthrate of 38/1000 population and a gross reproduction rate of 2.44. World population grew from 2504 million in 1950 to 4453 million in 1983. Of the additional 1949 million people, 1645 million, or 84%, accrued to the less developed countries. The impact of population growth on economic development and social progress is not well understood. The governments of some developing countries still officially welcome a rapid rate of population growth. Many other governments see cause for concern in the need for the large increases in social expenditure, particularly for health and education, that accompany a young and growing population. Planners are concerned that the rapidly growing supply of labor, compounded by a trend toward rapid urbanization, may exceed that which the job market is likely to absorb. In the developed regions the prospect of a declining, or an aging, population is also cause for apprehension. There is a dearth of knowledge as to the impact of policies for altering the consequences of these trends. Many policies have been tried, in both developed and developing countries, to influence population growth and distribution, but the consequences of such policies have been difficult to assess. Frequently this problem arises because their primary objectives are not demographic in character.
[National Conference on Population, Resources, Environment, and Development] Reunion Nacional sobre Poblacion, Recursos, Medio Ambiente y Desarrollo
Mexico City, Mexico, Mexico. Consejo Nacional de Poblacion [CONAPO], 1984. 120 p.Opening remarks, presentations, comments, and conclusions are presented from the Mexican National Conference on Population, Resources, Environment, and Development, the last of a series of conferences held in preparation for the 1984 World Population Conference. The 3 papers, each with a commentary, concerned questions regarding the balance between population, resources, the environment, and development to be addressed by the World Population Conference; population, resources, and environment; and population and development. A list of comments of participants and the closing remarks are also included. Several concluding statements summarized the main points of the debate: 1) Relationships between demographic variables and economic and social processes are highly complex and the World Population Conference should take such complexities into account. 2) Reproductive and migratory behavior of the population is just 1 element influencing and being influenced by social and economic development. The decreasing rate of population growth alone cannot lead to development. 3) The quest for a better balance between resource utilization and environmental conservation, with the resulting improvement in living standards, requires immediate and realistic measures on the part of the State and the participation of the people not merely as objects but also as active subjects through their community organizations. 4) The regional dimension must be included in the analysis of disequilibrium between population and development, at both national and international levels, in order to provide a better comprehension of phenomena such as migration, urbanization, production and distribution of food, environmental deterioration, ant the qualitative development of the population. 5) Better conceptual, analytical, informative, and planning instruments must be developed regarding the themes of population and development. In particular, instruments for the medium- and longterm should be developed, since the time frame of population processes exceeds the usual programming limits. 6) Questions suitable for a forum such as the World Population Conference must be distinguished from those relating to national population policy. Nevertheless, common principles exist, such as full respect for human rights, national sovereignty, and the fundamental objectives of population policy, which should be to contribute to elevating the level and quality of life of human beings.
Geneva, Switzerland, International Labour Office [ILO], 1984. 56 p.This booklet describes the origins, scope, purpose, achievements and perspectives of the ILO's Population and Labour Policies Programme since its inception in the early 1970s as an integral part of the World Employment Programme. Its focus is in the area where population issues and labour and employment concerns intersect. The booklet was produced on the occasion of the International Conference on Population, held in Mexico City in August 1984, but is also intended as a source of information on ILO's population activities for the general reader. Topics covered include the integration of population and development planning, institution building, women's roles and demographic issues, fertility, labor force, migration and population distribution, and motivation through education. (EXCERPT)