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[Unpublished, 1985]. 11 p. (DP/RILM/11.)The Expert Group Meeting on Remittances From International Labour Migration was held at the Economic and Social Commission for Asia and the Pacific (ESCAP) from 2-4 September, 1985. The meeting was convened to discuss issues and policies concerning remittances by workers who had been going in large numbers from developing countries in the ESCAP region to West Asia. 3.6 million workers from ESCAP countries are now employed in West Asia, which creates both problems and opportunities. The massive labor flow has helped the labor-importing countries to overcome their domestic labor shortages and thus has removed a crucial bottleneck in the productive utilization of their revenues from the oil boom of the 1970s. It also helped the ESCAP countries by relieving their unemployment pressures. A satisfactory solution to the problems that arise in the process of large-scale migration and remittance flows may be found by means of cooperation between labor-supplying and labor-receiving countries. Remittances are not an unqualified gain. A large out-migration of skilled and professional workers can have adverse consequences for the economies of labor-exporting countries. Remittances can cause many distortions in the economy, including exorbitant rises in land values. The recent slowdown in labor demand in Weest Asia is due to a fall in oil revenues and completion of large-scale infrastructure and other construction projects. Further labor absorption in that region may not take place; a substantial return flow has already begun.
Banking and other facilities for remittances by migrant workers from the ESCAP Region to the Middle East.
[Unpublished, 1985]. 40 p. (DP/RILM/7.)This paper focuses on the labor-importing countries of the Middle East and how to maximize the flow of remittances to labor-exporting countries. This can be achieved if expatriate workers from Economic and Social Commission for Asia and the Pacific (ESCAP) member countries employed in the Middle East remit their earnings to home countries in foreign exchange through official banking channels, comprising both commercial banks and exchange companies operating in the host countries. In general, there is no lack of banking facilities is Saudi Arabia, United Arab Emirates, and Bahrain. Due to the slump in oil prices, banking capacity may be excessive. United Arab Emirates is now engaged in consolidating its banks. In all 3 countries, banking is organized on modern lines, but they can be induced to improve their performance, cooperate with each other in the field of remittances, and handle remittances for all the labor-exporting ESCAP countries without discrimination. Labor-importing Economic Commission For Western Asia (ECWA) countries could be approached to help fill existing gaps. For instance, Saudi Arabia could be requested to allow banking on Thursday evenings or to permit joint venture exchange companies, managed by ESCAP banks, to provide remittance facilities at remote sites where neither bank branches nor offices of domestic exchange companies exist. Mobile banking is another possibility. As far as clandestine dealers are concerned, the position is rather difficult. They are not guilty of any breach of law. Perhaps new legislation could curb their activities within the countries concerned, so as to throttle their business outside. The labor-exporting countries must 1st do all that lies in their power, individually and collectively, to tackle the problem of leakage of foreign exchange earnings.
Economic and Social Commission for Asia and the Pacific Expert Group Meeting on Remittances from International Labour Migration, 2-4 September 1985, Bangkok, Thailand [collected papers].
[Unpublished, 1985].  p.The Expert Group Meeting on Remittances From International Labour Migration was held at the Economic and Social Commission For Asia and the Pacific (ESCAP) in Bangkok from 2-4 September, 1985. The titles of papers presented at the meeting include 1) Banking and Other Facilities For Remittances by Migrant Workers from the ESCAP Region to the Middle East, 2) Remittances from International Labour Migration: A Case Study of Bangladesh, 3) Labour Migration and Remittances in Pakistan, 4) Remittances of Indian Migrants to the Middle East: An Assessment with Special Reference To Migrants From Kerala State, 5) An Assessment of West Asian Demand For Migrant Workers from the ESCAP Region, 6) Labour Migration and Remittances in the Republic of Korea, 7) Issues in International Labour Migration Remittance, 8) Prospects or Joint Ventures and Other Forms of Economic Co-operation Between the Middle Eastern Oil Exporting Countries and the Labour Exporting Developing Countries in the ESCAP Region in the Context of Remittances From Labour Migration, 9) Overseas Employment and Remittances: A Case Study of the Philippines, 10) International Labour Migration and Remittances: Experience in Thailand, and 11) Report of the Expert Group Meeting on Remittances From International Labour Migration.
In: Quantitative approaches to analyzing socioeconomic determinants of Third World fertility trends: reviews of the literature. Project final report: overview, by Indiana University Fertility Determinants Group, George J. Stolnitz, director. [Unpublished] 1984. 79-91.Simple no-work/work distinctions are an unreliable basis for estimating causal linkages connecting female employment/work-status patterns to fertility. World Fertility Survey (WFS) data show about 3/4, 1/2, and 1/4 child differentials for over 20, 10-19, and under 10 years marital duration grouss respectively, for women employed since marriage. Effects on marriage seem strongest in Latin America and weakest in Asia. Controlling for age, marital duration, urban-rural residence, education, and husband's work status. But from the results of a number of WFS and other studies, it seems relationships of work status and fertility are difficult to confirm beyond directional indications, even in Latin America. A UN study using proximate determinants such as contraception and work status including a housework category indicated differentials in contraceptive practice were not significant net of control for education. Philippine data indicates low-income employment might increase fertility by decreasing breastfeeding, while WFS data from 5 Asian countries indicated pre-marital work encourages increased marriage age, without being specific about effects. Also, female employment must affect a large population to have a real impact on aggregate fertility, since female labor force activity is likely to change slowly if at all. Data presently available do not cover micro-level factors that may be important, such as effects of work on breastfeeding, nor do they lend themselves to examination by multi-equation analysis. More work is needed to isolate effects of work-status attributes like male employment, and to analyze intra-cohort mid-course fertility objective changes, as well as new theoretical process models such as competing time use and maternal role incompatibility.
The changing roles of women and men in the family and fertility regulation: some labour policy aspects
In: Family and population. Proceedings of the "Scientific Conference on Family and Population," Espoo, Finland, May 25-27, 1984, edited by Hellevi Hatunen. Helsinki, Finland, Vaestoliitto, 1984. 62-83.There is growing evidence that labor policies, such as those advocated by the International Labor Organization (ILO), promote changes in familial roles and that these changes in turn have an impact on fertility. A conceptual model describing these linkages is offered and the degree to which the linkages hypothesized in the model are supported by research findings is indicated. The conceptual model specifies that: 1) as reliance on child labor declines, through the enactment of minimum age labor laws, the economic value of children declines, and parents adopt smaller family size ideals; 2) as security increases for the elderly, through the provision of social security and pension plans, the elderly become less dependent on their children, and the perceived need to produce enough children to ensure security in old age is diminished; and 3) as sexual equality in job training and employment and the availability of flexible work schedules increase, sexual equality in the domestic setting increases, and women begin to exert more control over their own fertility. ILO studies and many other studies provide considerable evidence in support of these hypothesized linkages; however, the direction or causal nature of some of the associations has not been established. Development levels, rural or urban residence, and a number of other factors also appear to influence many of these relationships. Overall, the growing body of evidence accords well with ILO programs and instruments which promote: 1) the enactment of minimum age work laws to reduce reliance on child labor, 2) the establishment of social security systems and pension plans to promote the economic independence of the elderly, 3) the promotion of sexual equality in training programs and employment; 4) the promotion of the idea of sexual equality in the domestic setting; and 5) the establishment of employment policies which do not unfairly discriminate against workers with family responsibilities.