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Collection of international instruments and other legal texts concerning refugees and others of concern to UNHCR. 3. Regional instruments: Africa, Middle East, Asia, Americas. Provisional release.
Geneva, Switzerland, UNHCR, 2006 Nov.  p.The first edition of the Collection of International Instruments Concerning Refugees was published in 1979. Thereafter, the compilation was updated regularly as new developments took place in the international law relating to refugees and other persons of concern to UNHCR. The 2006 edition takes account of the increasingly apparent inter-relationship and complimentarity between, on one hand, international refugee law and, on the other, human rights, humanitarian, criminal and other bodies of law. The Collection features over 240 instruments and legal texts drawn from across this broad spectrum. Compared to the earlier edition of the Collection, this edition includes many international instruments and legal texts relating to issues such as statelessness, the internally displaced and the asylum-migration debate (such as trafficking, smuggling, maritime and aviation law and migrants) as well as matters such as torture, discrimination, detention and the protection of women and children. The range of relevant regional instruments and legal texts have also been enhanced, not least to ensure that they are used more effectively while advocating for refugees and others of concern to UNHCR. Today, users can access veritable reference resources by electronic means. The Collection itself is accessible on-line. For users not able to access electronic facilities, it provides, in hard copy, the most important instruments in a manner easy to use in daily work. Indeed, even for those otherwise able to take advantage of electronic facilities, the availability of these instruments systematically in a single source offers unique facility and benefits. (excerpt)
Population Index. 1948 Apr; 14(2):97-104.Research in migration has been peculiarly susceptible to the changing problems of the areas and the periods in which demographers work. American studies of international movements diminished after the passage of Exclusion Acts, and virtually ceased as immigration dwindled during the depression years. On the other hand, surveys of internal migration proliferated as the facts of mass unemployment and the social approaches of the New Deal focused governmental attention on the relation of people to resources and to economic opportunity. Geographers and historians took over the field the demographers had vacated. The studies of pioneer settlement directed by Isaiah Bowman and those of Marcus Hansen dealing with the Atlantic crossing are outstanding illustrations of this non-demographic research on essentially demographic problems. Even when demographers investigated international movements they served principally as quantitative analysts of historical exchanges. This is not to disparage such studies as that of Truesdell on the Canadian in the United States, or of Coates on the United States immigrant in Canada, but merely to emphasize the point that Americans regarded international migration as an issue of the past. (excerpt)
Women's organizations in El Salvador: history, accomplishments, and international support. [Organizaciones femeninas en El Salvador: historia, logros y apoyo internacional]
In: Women and civil war. Impact, organizations, and action, edited by Krishna Kumar. Boulder, Colorado, Lynne Rienner Publishers, 2001. 183-203.Women's organizations in El Salvador have undergone a unique evolution, first in relation to the conditions of war that permeated El Salvador from 1980 to 1992 and then in response to economic restructuring and the challenges of democratization following the war. The conditions of El Salvador's civil war, along with the fact that many women's organizations became stronger during the war, have resulted in a unique set of organizations that are marked by their autonomy at the beginning of the twenty-first century. Early-conflict women's organizations (1980 to 1985) were characterized by their attachment to a wide range of popular grass-roots organizations and attempts to incorporate women into these groups. Many of these organizations mobilized women around economic issues, survival in the war, and human rights. A few formed in this period began to work with battered women and to question women's legal, political, and domestic subordination. Few, however, were willing to embrace the concept of feminism. Late-conflict and post-conflict women's organizations (1986 to 2001) are characterized by women challenging gender hierarchies within mixed grass-roots organizations and putting forth a gendered discourse on specific women's rights, ranging from violence against women to inequities in the labor force. Feminism also became more prevalent during this time. In this chapter we look at the particular changes found in women's organizations and link them to specific historical, social, and economic circumstances. We then evaluate what the impact of women's organizations has been in terms of empowering Salvadoran women and make recommendations for international donor organizations so that they can better serve Salvadoran women's organizations. (excerpt)
Perspectives in Health. 2003; 8(2):26-29.More and more, nurses in the Caribbean have been packing their bags and heading for countries with less-than-perfect climates to get better pay and more respect. Now the region is looking for ways to keep them from leaving – and even to lure those abroad back home. (author's)
In: Bowman and Harris, Multilateral Treaties, Index and Current Status 9th Cumulative Suppl., compiled by M.J. Bowman and D.J. Harris. Nottingham, England, University of Nottingham Treaty Centre, 1992. 116-7.On 11 February 1991, the Government of Malta registered its denunciation of the Night Work (Women) Convention (ILO 4), and on 28 November 1991, the Government of Lithuania advised the International Labour Organisation that it considered itself bound by its 1931 ratification of the Convention. The Convention provides that, in general, women shall not be employed in night work in industry. On 27 February 1991, Malta registered its denunciation of another Convention dealing with the night work of women: the Night Work (Women) Convention (ILO 89). On 30 December 1991, Cuba registered its denunciation of the same Convention. See Multilateral Treaties, Index and Current Status, p. 138. This Convention adds further restrictions on the employment of women in night work in industry.
In: Multilateral treaties, index and current status, Tenth Cumulative Supplement, compiled by M.J. Bowman and D.J. Harris. Nottingham, England, University of Nottingham Treaty Centre, 1993. 137-8.On 9 June 1992, Slovenia became a party to this Convention. In 1992, Belgium, France, Greece, Italy, Portugal, Spain, and Switzerland registered their denunciations of this Convention. The Convention places restrictions on women working at night. On 3 March 1992, Argentina registered its denunciation of the Night Work (Women) Convention (ILO 4). This Convention also places restrictions on women working at night. See Multilateral Treaties, Index and Current Status, 10th Cumulative Suppl., 1993, pp. 137-8.
INTER-AMERICAN PARLIAMENTARY GROUP ON POPULATION AND DEVELOPMENT BULLETIN. 1990 Dec; 7(12):1-5.A lack of support for and information about breast feeding has contributed to the decline in its practice worldwide. The article provides support for the benefits of breast feeding and discusses existing and potential legislation affecting breast feeding and urges policy makers to provide accurate information per Article 4 of the WHO/UNICEF Code. A list of the benefits includes: infant protection against disease, excellent and inexpensive source of nutrition, no contamination of milk supply, lower maternal risk, financial savings, and a complement to family planning. It is noted that artificial formulas and bottles are perceived by poor women as the desirable modern way, and formula companies promote their product in such a manner as to restrict the possibility of breast feeding. It is suggested that effective national health policies include: 1) paid maternity leave with government support, 2) job security after delivery with no loss of seniority, 3) establishment of breast feeding facilities in the workplace or community, 4) provision for nursery breaks without loss of pay, and 5) flexible employment arrangements such as part-time or shorter shifts. Most countries in the Western Hemisphere have a maternity leave policy with the exception of Belize, Saint Vincent, and the US. 18 countries have statutory provisions for nursing breaks at work, and 19 countries require nurseries to be available. Worker satisfaction and lower absenteeism are some benefits to companies supportive of breast feeding practices. The WHO/UNICEF education code recommends information on 1) the advantages of breast feeding, 2) maternal nutrition and preparation for breast feeding, 3) negative effects of partial bottle feeding, 4) the difficulty of resuming breast feeding after stopping, and 5) the correct preparation of breastmilk substitutes made commercially or at home.
[Breastfeeding: a right of the mother and child] Aleitamento materno: um direito da mae e da crianca.
REVISTA PAULISTA DE MEDICINA. 1987 Mar-Apr; 105(2):103-7.The laws concerning the protection of working women who nurse and the outcome of the breast feeding program at the state university of Campinas (UNICAMP), Brazil, are discussed. The International Labor Organization (ILO) was founded in 1919 with the objective of improving the working conditions and lives of workers worldwide. At a 1952 convention, the right of women to interrupt work to nurse was accepted. In 1975, the declaration on the equal opportunity and treatment of working women was passed. ILO's recommendation was adopted in 30 countries which allowed working woman to nurse for 30 minutes or more. In Italy and Bulgaria, 60 minutes is assigned for nursing. A 1923 Brazilian law decreed that nurseries must be near the work place where mothers could nurse regularly. ILO's 1952 convention was ratified in 1966 in Brazil, and, in 1986, a paid nursery scheme was passed. UNICAMP has been dealing with nursing programs since 1975, focusing on education, breastfeeding techniques, presentations, and group discussions. The mothers were monitored until weaning or until the child reached 9 months of age. The program had a higher impact among women >25 and married, than among women >30 with less education. In a follow-up program, 100 women 7 months pregnant received prenatal assistance and were asked to fill out a questionnaire. 76 complied: 28 nursed their present child but not the previous one, and 22 nursed their first child (50% for less than 6 months). A 1977 survey in the city of Paulinia on breast feeding duration of children up to 2 years of age showed that 12.1% of 610 were never nursed. 57% were exclusively breast fed in the first month, but only 18% were nursed by the 6th month. In 1982, an infant center was inaugurated by UNICAMP where a child could nurse 5 times a day up to 6 months of age. In the first 4 years, 334 children attended and were nursed for 12 months, although 8.8 months was the expected duration, and the previous child had been nursed for only 6 months.
ANNUAL REVIEW OF POPULATION LAW. 1989; 16:77.The government of France ratified this UN Convention on Workers with Family Responsibilities on March 16, 1989; the government of Uruguay ratified it on November 16, 1989; and the government of the Yemen Arab Republic ratified it on March 13, 1989.
ANNUAL REVIEW OF POPULATION LAW. 1989; 16:136.The government of Uruguay ratified this UN International Labor Organization Convention on employment and occupation discrimination on November 16, 1989, and the government of Democratic Yemen ratified it on January 3, 1989.
ANNUAL REVIEW OF POPULATION LAW. 1989; 16:136.The government of Uruguay ratified this UN International Labor Organization convention on equal remuneration on November 16, 1989, and the Government of Zimbabwe ratified this Convention on December 14, 1989.
CHILDREN IN FOCUS. 1992 Jan-Mar; 4(1):8.Working class women have always been creative in developing methods of surviving when times get bad. Examples include: earning income from informal sector work, trading in foods stuffs and manufactured items, domestic work. They also alter their consumption patterns by cutting purchases and making do with less, and by planting kitchen gardens. Others relay on remittances from relatives who have migrated to developed nations. Most use multiple strategies to secure the well being of their children and family. These flexible behavior patterns are among the strengths of Caribbean working class women that allow them to deal the harsh realities of poverty. However these strengths have been turned around and used against these women by many governmental and international agencies. The fact that they are able to cope is used to support programs that only perpetuate the situation rather than helping these women to change their lives. These women are caught in a cycle of deprivation, powerlessness, acceptance of hardship, survival strategies, continuing exploitation and continuing deprivation. Because of the actions of such agencies there are 3 basic strategies that should be followed: (1) those designed to ensure day to day maintenance, (2) those designed to determine the elements necessary for longer term solutions, (3) those that challenge negative macroeconomic policies. Strategies must also be distinguished based on those that meet practical gender needs, and those that address strategic gender interests. The importance of this distinction can be seen in the austerity measures which have been central features of most adjustment policies. Policies must be formed in a holistic context that revolve around macro economic issues.
FRONT LINES. 1989 Dec; 6, 13.Projects supported by the Directorate for Population (S&T/POP) of the U.S. Agency for International Development and aimed at increasing for-profit private sector involvement in providing family planning services and products are described. Making products commercially available through social-marketing partnerships with the commercial sector, USAID has saved $1.1 million in commodity costs from Brazil, Dominican Republic, Ecuador, Indonesia, and Peru. Active private sector involvement benefits companies, consumers, and donors through increased corporate profits, healthier employees, improved consumer access at lower cost, and the possibility of sustained family planning programs. Moreover, private, for-profit companies will be able to meet service demands over the next 20 years where traditional government and donor agency sources would fail. Using employee surveys and cost-benefit analyses to demonstrate expected financial and health benefits for businesses and work forces, S&T/POP's Technical Information on Population for the Private Sector (TIPPS) project encourages private companies in developing countries to invest in family planning and maternal/child health care for their employees. 36 companies in 9 countries have responded thus far, which examples provided from Peru and Zimbabwe. The Enterprise program's objectives are also to increase the involvement of for-profit companies in delivering family planning services, and to improve the efficiency and effectiveness of private volunteer organizations in providing services. Projects have been started with mines, factories, banks, insurance companies, and parastatals in 27 countries, with examples cited from Ghana and Indonesia. Finally, the Social Marketing for Change project (SOMARC) builds demand and distributes low-cost contraceptives through commercial channels especially to low-income audiences. Partnerships have been initiated with the private sector in 17 developing countries, with examples provided from the Dominican Republic, Liberia and Ecuador. These projects have increased private sector involvement in family planning, thereby promoting service expansion at lower public sector cost.
New York, New York, United Nations, 1991. x, 58 p. (ST/ESA/SER.R/113)With approximately 12% of its 1980 population over age 60, Argentina's elderly constitute a higher-than-average proportion of the total population when compared to other developing countries. Governments are increasingly assuming greater responsibility for the care and support of the elderly. Accordingly, this paper describes the social and economic aspects of population ageing in Argentina, with the aim of providing planners with a better understanding of the social and economic implications of these demographic changes. Better understanding should result in the development of appropriate plans and policies targeted to the elderly. While the ageing process in Argentina is comparatively advanced when compared to other developing countries, ageing presently proceeds at a slower pace when compared to past trends. Slow ageing is also projected into the future. The elderly, themselves, have been ageing, and tend to live to a greater extent in urban areas. Elderly women when compared to men are more likely to live alone and in urban settings. Despite a stagnating economy, social gains and improvements in living conditions for the elderly have been largely sustained. The working-age population grew more slowly, however, over recent decades than the total population. The number of retirement system beneficiaries also grew over the period, with retirement benefits reported as the leading sources of income among the elderly. The health care system remains strained by the country's present economic situation, with care failing to reach all of the elderly. Wide societal agreement exists that the family should be a major care provider. With more than 1/2 of all persons aged 65 and over living in extended or mixed households, the family plans an important care and support function.
INTER-AMERICAN PARLIAMENTARY GROUP ON POPULATION AND DEVELOPMENT. BULLETIN. 1991 Jan; 8(1):1-3.Calling for renewed activity to ensure equality between men and women in Latin America, the author designates the UN Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination Against Women as the legal standard for equality. Although all Latin American constitutions include provisions of equal rights for men and women, these countries still adhere to a patriarchal society. Cultural forces leave women in a subordinate position within the family, the workplace, education, and politics. Not only does the current economic crisis make it difficult to fund programs to improve the social conditions of women, many politicians have no sincere commitment to doing so. Nonetheless, all Latin American Countries have ratified the Convention (adopted in 1979), which recognizes the fundamental rights of women and provides a basis for international law. This principle calls for absolute equality between men and women, and requires that the signatories work towards achieving that goal. The signatories must incorporate the principle of equality in all government sectors and in all development plans. The Convention also requires governments to create a special office or ministry of women's affairs. This office is in charge of monitoring and promoting change to achieve the following: equal representation in government offices, equal participation in the workforce (including executive positions), an end to social and cultural stereotypes, and a guarantee of reproductive rights. Although many obstacles remain in the way of achieving equality, the Convention can serve as a tool for achieving that goal.
In: Preserving the global environment: the challenge of shared leadership, edited by Jessica T. Mathews. New York, New York/London, England, W. W. Norton, 1991. 39-77.The thesis that human population growth will eventually destroy the equilibrium of the world ecosystem, because environmental strain is a nonlinear effect of the linear growth, is embellished with discussions of technology and resulting pollution, population dynamics, birth and death rates, effects of expanded education, causes of urbanization, time constraints and destabilizing effects of partial development and the debt crisis. It is suggested that the terms renewable and nonrenewable resources are paradoxical, since the nonrenewable resoureces such as minerals will always exist, while renewable ecosystems and species are limited. The competitive economy actually accelerates destruction of biological resoureces because it overvalues rare species when they have crossed the equilibrium threshold and are in decline. Technological outputs are proportional to population numbers: therefore adverse effects of population should be considered in billions, not percent increase even though it is declining. Even the United Nations does not have predictions of the effects of added billions, taking into account improved survival and decreased infant mortality. Rapid urbanization of developing countries and their debt crisis have resulted from political necessity from the point of view of governments in power, rather than mere demographics. Recommendations are suggested for U.S. policy based on these points such as enlightened political leadership, foreign aid, and scientific investment with the health of the world ecosystem in mind rather than spectacle and local political ideology.
Geneva, Switzerland, ILO, 1986 Jan. 83 p.The educational activities of the International Labor Organization's (ILO) Population and Labor Policies Program was launched in the early 1970s. It's spectrum includes: promotion of information and education activities devoted to population and family planning questions at various levels, particularly by means of workers' education, labor welfare, and cooperative and rural institutions' programs; policy- oriented research on the demographic aspects of measures of social policy in certain fields, such as employment and social security; and efforts to stimulate participation by social security and enterprise- level medical services in the promotion of family planning. At the outset, the ILO explored the demand for and feasibility of educational activities in selected countries. Slowly, the concept of an ILO population-oriented program developed, and regional labor and population teams were established. At the next stage, regional advisers extended their activities to the national level. Project descriptions are included for the countries of India, Jordan, Kiribati, the Republic of Korea, Pakistan, Sierra Leone, Sri Lanka, Hong Kong, Jamaica, Nepal, Congo, Zambia, and the Philippines.
ISSUES IN SCIENCE AND TECHNOLOGY. 1988 Winter; 4(2):43-8.Without a medical miracle, it seems inevitable that the Acquired Immune Deficiency Syndrome (AIDS) pandemic will become not only the most serious public health problem of this generation but a dominating issue in 3rd world development. As a present-day killer, AIDS in developing countries is insignificant compared to malaria, tuberculosis, or infant diarrhea, but this number is misleading in 3 ways. First, it fails to reflect the per capita rate of AIDS cases. On this basis, Bermuda, French Guyana, and the Bahamas have much higher rates than the US. Second, there is extensive underreporting of AIDS cases in most developing nations. Finally, the number of AIDS cases indicates where the epidemic was 5-7 years ago, when these people became infected. Any such projections of the growth of 3rd world AIDS epidemics are at this time based on epidemiologic data from the industrialized rations of the north and on the assumption that the virus acts similarly in the south as it does in the US and Europe. Yet, 3rd world conditions differ. Sexually transmitted diseases usually are more prevalent, and people have a different burden of other diseases and of other stresses to the immune system. In Africa, AIDS already is heavily affecting the mainstream population in some nations. Some regions will approach net population declines over the next decade. How far their populations eventually could decline because of AIDS is unclear and will depend crucially on countermeasures taken or not taken over the next 1-2 years. In purely economic terms, AIDS will affect the direct costs of health care, expenses which are unrealistic for most 3rd world countries. Further, the vast majority of deaths from AIDS in developing countries will occur among those in the sexually active age groups -- the wage earners and food producers. Deaths in this age group also will reduce the labor available for farming and industry. AIDS epidemics also may have significant effects on foreign investment in the 3rd world as well as negative effects on tourism. The global underclass will be disproportionately affected by AIDS as the blacks and Hispanics already are in New York and Miami. Thus far, the reaction of donor countries to the World Health Organization's (WHO) appeal for funds to fight the battle against AIDS has been excellent. The global strategy of WHO places priority on national campaigns, but none of the national campaigns will be effective unless linked to similar actions in other nations to form a vigorous international program. The US has a special responsibility to provide international leadership on AIDS. The US is the world leader in AIDS research and has the bulk of the virus research capacity. Further, no country can come close to matching US experience in dealing with AIDS through "safe sex" education campaigns.
Women At Work. 1984; (2):1-71.This document describes the current status of maternity protection legislation in developed and developing countries and is based primarily on the findings of the International Labor Organization's (ILO's) global assessment of laws and regulations concerning working women before and after pregnancy. The global survey collected information from 18 Asian and Pacific countries, 36 African nations, 28 North and South American countries, 14 Middle Eastern countries, 19 European market economy countries, and 11 European socialist countries. Articles in 2 ILO conventions provide standards for maternity protection. According to the operative clauses of these conventions working women are entitled to 1) 12 weeks of maternity leave, 2) cash benefits during maternity leaves, 3) nursing breaks during the work day, and 4) protection against dismissal during maternity. Most countries have some qualifying conditions for granting maternity leaves. These conditions either state that a worker must be employed for a certain period of time or contributed to an insurance plan over a defined period of time before a maternity leave will be granted. About 1/2 of the countries in the Asia and Pacific region, the Americas, Africa, and in the Europe market economy group provide maternity leaves of 12 or more weeks. In all European socialist countries, women are entitled to at least 12 weeks maternity leave and in many leaves are considerably longer than 12 months. In the Middle East all but 3 countries provide leaves of less than 12 weeks. Most countries which provide maternity leaves also provide cash benefits, which are usually equivalent to 50%-100% of the worker's wages, and job protection during maternity leaves. Some countries extend job protection beyond the maternity leave. For example, in Czechoslovakia women receive job protection during pregnancy and for 3 years following the birth, if the woman is caring for the child. Nursing breaks are allowed in 5 of the Asian and Pacific countries, 30 of African countries, 18 of the countries in the Americas, 9 of the Middle East countries, 16 of European market economy countries, and in all of the European socialist countries. Several new trends in maternity protection were observed in the survey. A number of countries grant child rearing leaves following maternity leaves. In some countries these leaves can be granted to either the husband or the wife. Some countries have regulations which allow parents to work part time while rearing their children and some permit parents to take time off to care for sick children. In most of the countries, the maternity protection laws and regulations are applied to government workers and in many countries they are also applied to workers in the industrial sector. A list of the countries which have ratified the articles in the ILO convenants concerning maternity benefits is included.
In: Quantitative approaches to analyzing socioeconomic determinants of Third World fertility trends: reviews of the literature. Project final report: overview, by Indiana University Fertility Determinants Group, George J. Stolnitz, director. [Unpublished] 1984. 79-91.Simple no-work/work distinctions are an unreliable basis for estimating causal linkages connecting female employment/work-status patterns to fertility. World Fertility Survey (WFS) data show about 3/4, 1/2, and 1/4 child differentials for over 20, 10-19, and under 10 years marital duration grouss respectively, for women employed since marriage. Effects on marriage seem strongest in Latin America and weakest in Asia. Controlling for age, marital duration, urban-rural residence, education, and husband's work status. But from the results of a number of WFS and other studies, it seems relationships of work status and fertility are difficult to confirm beyond directional indications, even in Latin America. A UN study using proximate determinants such as contraception and work status including a housework category indicated differentials in contraceptive practice were not significant net of control for education. Philippine data indicates low-income employment might increase fertility by decreasing breastfeeding, while WFS data from 5 Asian countries indicated pre-marital work encourages increased marriage age, without being specific about effects. Also, female employment must affect a large population to have a real impact on aggregate fertility, since female labor force activity is likely to change slowly if at all. Data presently available do not cover micro-level factors that may be important, such as effects of work on breastfeeding, nor do they lend themselves to examination by multi-equation analysis. More work is needed to isolate effects of work-status attributes like male employment, and to analyze intra-cohort mid-course fertility objective changes, as well as new theoretical process models such as competing time use and maternal role incompatibility.
Socio-economic development and fertility decline in Costa Rica. Background paper prepared for the project on socio-economic development and fertility decline.
New York, New York, United Nations, 1985. 118 p. (ST/ESA/SER.R/55)This summary of information on the development process in Costa Rica and its relation to fertility from 1950-70 is a revision of a study prepared for the Workshop on Socioeconomic Development and Fertility Decline held in Costa Rica in April 1982 as part of a UN comparative study of 5 developing countries. The report contains chapters on background information on fertility and the family, historical facts, and political organization of Costa Rica; the development strategy and its consequences vis a vis the composition of the gross domestic product, balance of trade, investment trends, the structure of the labor force, educational levels, and income; the allocation of public resources in public employment, public investment, credit, public expenditures, and the impact of resource allocation policies; changes in land tenure patterns; cultural factors affecting fertility, including education, women and their family roles, behavior in the home, women and politics, work and social security, and race and religion; changes in demographic variables, including nuptiality patterns, marital fertility, and natural fertility and birth control; characteristics and determining factors of the decline in fertility, including levels and trends, decline by age group, decline in terms of birth order, differences among population groups, how fertility declined, and history and role of family planning programs; and a discussion of the modernization process in Costa Rica and the relationship between demographic and socioeconomic variables. Beginning with the 1948 civil war, Costa Rica underwent drastic changes which were still reflected in national life as late as 1970. The industrial sector and the government bureaucracy have become decisive forces in development and the government has become the major employer. The state plays a key role in economic life, and state participation is a determining factor in extending medical and educational resources in the social field. The economically active population declined from 64% in 1960 to 55% in 1975 due to urbanization and migration from rural to urban areas, but there was an increase in economic participation of women, especially in urban areas. Increased educational level of the population in general and women in particular created changes in traditional attitudes and behavior. Although there is no specific explanation of why Costa Rica's fertility decline occurred, some observations about its determining factors and mechanisms can be made: the considerable economic development of the 1950s and 1960s brought about a rapid rise in per capita income and changes in the structure of production as well as substantial social development, increased opportunities for self-improvement for some social groups, and a rise in expectations. The size of the family became an aspect of conflict between rising expectations and increasing expenses. The National Family Planning Program helped accelerate the fertility decline.
New York, New York, United Nations, 1984. ix, 534 p. (International Conference on Population, 1984; Statements ST/ESA/SER.A/90)Contained in this volume are the report (Part I) and the selected papers (Part II) of the Expert Group on Population, Resources, Environment and Development which review past trends and their likely future course in each of the 4 areas, taking into account not only evolving concepts but also the need to consider population, resources, environment and development as a unified structure. Trends noted in the population factor include world population growth and the differences between rates in the developed and developing countries; the decline in the proportion of the population who are very young and the concomitant increase in the average age of the population. Discussed within the resource factor are the labor force, the problem of increasing capital shortage, expenditures on armaments, trends in the supply and productivity of arable land, erosion and degradation of topsoil and energy sources. Many of the problems identified overlap with the environment factor, which centers on the problem of pollution. The group on the development factor was influenced by a pervasiv sense of "crisis" in current economic trends. Concern was also expressed regarding the qualitative aspects of current development trends, defined as the perverse effects of having adopted inappropriate styles of development. Part II begins with a general overview of recent levels and trends in the 4 areas along with the concepts of carrying capacity and optimum population. Other papers discuss the impact of trends in resources, environment and development on demographic prospects; long-term effects of global population growth on the international system; economic considerations in the choice of alternative paths to a stationary population and the need for integration of demographic factors in development planning. The various papers on the resources and environment factor focus on resources as a barrier to population growth; the effects of population growth on renewable resources; food production and population growth in Africa; the frailty of the balance between the 4 areas and the need for a holistic approach on a scale useful for regional planning. Also addressed are: social development; population and international economic relations; development, lifestyles, population and environment in Latin America; issues of population growth, inequality and poverty; health, population and development trends; education requirements and trends in female literacy; the challenge posed by the aging of populations; and population and development in the ECE region.
[National Conference on Population, Resources, Environment, and Development] Reunion Nacional sobre Poblacion, Recursos, Medio Ambiente y Desarrollo
Mexico City, Mexico, Mexico. Consejo Nacional de Poblacion [CONAPO], 1984. 120 p.Opening remarks, presentations, comments, and conclusions are presented from the Mexican National Conference on Population, Resources, Environment, and Development, the last of a series of conferences held in preparation for the 1984 World Population Conference. The 3 papers, each with a commentary, concerned questions regarding the balance between population, resources, the environment, and development to be addressed by the World Population Conference; population, resources, and environment; and population and development. A list of comments of participants and the closing remarks are also included. Several concluding statements summarized the main points of the debate: 1) Relationships between demographic variables and economic and social processes are highly complex and the World Population Conference should take such complexities into account. 2) Reproductive and migratory behavior of the population is just 1 element influencing and being influenced by social and economic development. The decreasing rate of population growth alone cannot lead to development. 3) The quest for a better balance between resource utilization and environmental conservation, with the resulting improvement in living standards, requires immediate and realistic measures on the part of the State and the participation of the people not merely as objects but also as active subjects through their community organizations. 4) The regional dimension must be included in the analysis of disequilibrium between population and development, at both national and international levels, in order to provide a better comprehension of phenomena such as migration, urbanization, production and distribution of food, environmental deterioration, ant the qualitative development of the population. 5) Better conceptual, analytical, informative, and planning instruments must be developed regarding the themes of population and development. In particular, instruments for the medium- and longterm should be developed, since the time frame of population processes exceeds the usual programming limits. 6) Questions suitable for a forum such as the World Population Conference must be distinguished from those relating to national population policy. Nevertheless, common principles exist, such as full respect for human rights, national sovereignty, and the fundamental objectives of population policy, which should be to contribute to elevating the level and quality of life of human beings.
New York, Foreign Policy Association, 1980 Feb. 64 p. (Headline Series 248)This essay concerns the place of women in the modern world from both an historical and contemporary perspective. Beginning in the 1970s attention was directed towards the importance of women in the social, economic, and political development of nations. Through ancient and medieval times, several alternatives to traditional roles were chosen by women: celibacy, urban craft communes, and hermits. In the 19th century, the emergence of new socioeconomic doctrines concerning women occurred. Between 1880-1900 5 transnational women's organizations were born: World Young Women's Christian Association, World Women's Christian Temperance Union, International Council of Nurses, General Federation of Women's Clubs, and the Inter Council of Women. In England the 1st appeal for votes for women was published in 1825; in the U.S. the women's suffrage movement began in 1848. By 1965, the International Cooperation Year was organized by the United Nations. In 1975 the United Nations Decade for Women was approved (1975-85). Progress made by women up to the 1980s includes: 1) a voluntary fund for the United Nations Decade for Women ($9 million in contributions), 2) establishment of an International Research and Training Institute for the Advancement of women in the Dominican Republic, 3) an international convention to outlaw discrimination, 4) increasing aid to women in developing countries, and 5) increasing participation of women in the United Nation's international foreign ministries. Although full statistical documentation of women's status in the world are lacking, several calculations indicate that in 1978, 1/3 of the world's work force were women, women earn less than men, and women's political participation is greater in developing countries than in developed countries. Problems will continue to exist in the future. The women's work force in all developed countries was 42% of the world total in 1950. By 1975 it had fallen to 36% and is expected to shrink to less than 30% by year 2000. American women are no model for emulation by the rest of the world. Women are also paid less now in comparison to the past.