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Culture and human fertility. A study of the relation of cultural conditions to fertility in non-industrial and transitional societies.
Paris, France, UNESCO, 1954 Oct. 510 p. (Population and Culture)The study attempts to develop coherent interpretations of a large mass of diverse demographic, anthropological and other scientific evidence. The committee believes these formulations have value, especially as presenting hypotheses for research and revealing points at which more precise information is needed. Professor Firth, as an anthropologist, and I, as a demographer, have reservations with respect to some of the interpretations. Other scholars who have seen the manuscript support interpretations with which we would disagree. Professor Lorimer himself has indicated that his inferences at many points are tentative formulations. The committee, like the author, presents the study to the public, not as a definitive formulation of the many complex aspects of this subject, but as a significant and valuable, though necessarily subjective, interpretation. The committee shares the author's hope that the publication of this work will lead to more intensive scientific investigations and more definitive knowledge in the future. We believe that Professor Lorimer's work, because it is his own untrammeled product, will accomplish more, both constructively and provocatively, than could be expected at this stage from a study that achieved unanimous agreement by an emasculating compromise. Finally, we wish to express our deep gratitude to Professor Lorimer for the energy, imagination and scholarly dedication with which he has approached his arduous task. (excerpt)
Cambridge, Massachusetts, Harvard Institute for International Development, 1990 Aug. v, 51 p. (Development Discussion Paper No. 355)Development planners often disregard the counter development risks of development projects in developing countries. Since they do not acknowledge these risks beforehand and do not take action to circumvent or reduce these risks, some counter development effects cause a considerable unexpected chain reaction. For example, dam construction agencies either underestimate population displacement numbers or do not include the estimates in feasibility reports. The development of Lake Sobradinho in Brazil displaced 65,000 inhabitants. 24,000 were supposed to relocate 800km upstream, but only 28% actually moved there. Many people lost their possessions and animals. Once they arrived at the new location, they had to fend for themselves. A hydropower and irrigation project on the Citarum river in West Java, Indonesia, resulted in a 49% lower household income and a 47% lower land ownership. The Kiambere reservoir project in Kenya caused mean land holding size to fall from 13-6 hectares, a >33% reduction in livestock, and >66% reduction in yields of maize and beans. Thus water resource development programs designed to bring irrigation, flood control, drinking water, energy, and better navigation to the aggregate population often result in impoverishment for the dislocated population. Joblessness, homelessness, morbidity, marginalization, and the disintegration of social and kinship networks also cause impoverishment. Water resource development planners can incorporate preventive and mitigating measures to guarantee adequate resettlement of the displaced persons into these projects via 4 frameworks. The policy framework involves guidelines for forced population displacement. Governments need to develop a legal framework to protect the interests and rights of the displaced people. The planning framework requires resettlement actions plans (ideally to reduce displacement) to be an integral part of planning the project. The organizational framework places resettlement high on the list of priorities.