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  1. 1
    328533

    Reproductive and sexual rights: do words matter? [editorial]

    Gruskin S

    American Journal of Public Health. 2008 Oct; 98(10):1737.

    The 1994 Cairo International Conference on Population and Development helped governments, the organs and agencies of the United Nations system, and nongovernmental organizations move beyond the confines of traditional family planning approaches. This watershed event fostered and defined subsequent international and national reproductive and sexual health policies and programs as well as global efforts to realize reproductive and sexual rights. However, moving beyond history, or the "archeology of Cairo" (as a participant at a meeting I recently attended called it), are we now simply using the language of the Cairo conference with little attention to the conceptual and operational implications of its words? Has the politically charged notion of rights with its attendant government responsibility and accountability succumbed to the less controversial notion of health? As the public health community recognized even before the Cairo consensus, barriers to reproductive and sexual health operate on a number of levels-including legal, social, cultural, political, financial, attitudinal, and practical -- and interact in complex ways. What rights add to this mix is a framework for programming and for action and a legal rationale for government responsibility-not only to provide relevant services but also to alter the conditions that create, exacerbate, and perpetuate poverty, deprivation, marginalization, and discrimination as these affect reproductive and sexual health. By fixing attention on the responsibility and accountability of governments to translate their international-level commitments into national and subnational laws, policies, programs, and practices that promote and do not hinder reproductive and sexual health, the actions of governments are open to scrutiny to determine their influences-both positive and negative-on reproductive and sexual health, including barriers that affect the availability, accessibility, acceptability, and quality of reproductive and sexual health services, structures, and goods. Despite the framework that the Cairo conference helped put into place, work falling under the rubric of reproductive and sexual rights now includes everything from the provision of abortion services to the reduction of maternal mortality -- as though simply working on these issues is equal to working on rights. Consequently, one has to ask this: Are reproductive, and even sexual, rights becoming synonymous with reproductive, and sexual, health? Those who understand their work to be in the area of reproductive and sexual rights sorely need to discuss whether their efforts are aligned with the politics that underlie the words of the Cairo conference or whether, bluntly speaking, the politics are a historical artifact and it is simply time to move on. Bringing the political back into reproductive and sexual rights would require going beyond the technical dimensions of addressing reproductive and sexual health issues to the application of the norms and standards that are engaged by a human rights discourse. This includes attention to the basics of reproductive and sexual rights: the efforts that exist to ensure the sustained participation of affected communities; how discrimination that affects both vulnerability to ill health and access and use of services is being tackled; the extent to which any legal, political, and financial constraints are being addressed; how rights considerations are brought into policy and program design, implementation, and evaluation; and the existence of mechanisms that require government as well as intergovernmental and nongovernmental institution accountability. And so yes, in a word, words do matter. And they matter for the actions they inspire. (full-text)
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  2. 2
    319232

    Refusing to go away: Strategies of the women's rights movement.

    Jefferson LR

    Human Rights Dialogue. 2003 Fall; (10):33-34.

    The past decade has seen women's rights activists from every region of the world mobilize to use the international human rights system to raise awareness about and remedy the staggering levels of violence against women. Activists' most significant achievements include proving a state's failure to prevent or respond to domestic violence to be a human rights abuse; creating better fact-finding mechanisms to document violence against women; increasing the role of UN agencies in adopting and promoting strategies to combat gender-based violence; using public tribunals to create a public record of violence against women; improving state response to violence against women perpetrated by private actors; getting a range of gender-based and sexual violence in armed conflict codified as a war crime and a crime against humanity; identifying harmful traditional practices, such as female genital mutilation (FGM), as violence against girls and women; defining and criminalizing at the national level the myriad forms of violence against women; raising overall public awareness that gender-based violence is a chronic human rights abuse; and supporting the efforts of more "mainstream" human rights organizations to integrate women's human rights into their work. (excerpt)
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  3. 3
    293683

    Evolution of national population policies since the United Nations 1954 World Population Conference.

    Mirkin B

    Genus. 2005 Jul-Dec; 61(3-4):297-328.

    Population policy did not figure prominently at the 1954 United Nations World Population Conference in Rome. It was a commonly held view at the time that "population matters" were in the personal and family sphere and thus, not an appropriate area of involvement for Governments. Nevertheless, some discussion took place on policies to reduce population growth in less developed regions, on policies to raise fertility in more developed regions, on the impact of population ageing and on the consequences of international migration for sending and receiving countries. This paper tracks Government's views and policies on population and development since the 1954 Rome Conference. Among other things, it considers the central role played by United Nations global population conferences in facilitating international cooperation and national government entrance into embracing population policies. (excerpt)
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  4. 4
    293727

    Population trends since 1954.

    Zlotnik H

    Genus. 2005 Jul-Dec; 61(3-4):111-140.

    At the end of 1951, in the first issue of the Population Bulletin, the United Nations published an article on the past and future growth of world population (United Nations, 1951). The article provided a "long-term view" of future population growth by projecting the population by groups of countries from 1950 to 1980. According to this first set of estimates and projections issued by the United Nations, the world population, which was estimated to be 2.4 billion in mid-1950, would increase by at least half a billion and at most 1.2 billion over the next 30 years, producing for 1980 a range of 3 billion to 3.6 billion people, with a "medium" value of 3.3 billion. A further scenario obtained by maintaining constant the vital rates estimated for the late 1940s produced a world population of 3.5 billion (table 1), The proceedings of the 1954 World Population Conference held in Rome included another set of population projections, updating the work published in 1951. The major difference between the two sets lies on an upward adjustment of the 1950 population of Asia that resulted in a world total closer to 2.5 billion and led to a larger population in 1980 (3.6 billion in the medium variant). Today, with the benefit of hindsight, we estimate that the world's population in 1950 was slightly over 2.5 billion and that it increased by 1.9 billion over the next 30 years, to reach 4.4 billion by 1980, a value higher than the highest projected at the time of the 1954 Conference. In reviewing past demographic trends, this paper will compare them with those expected by United Nations demographers in the 1950s and 1960s in order to understand better their assessment of how the demographic transition would proceed. (excerpt)
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  5. 5
    295384
    Peer Reviewed

    The conceptual framework for estimating food energy requirement.

    Ferro-Luzzi A

    Public Health Nutrition. 2005 Oct; 8(7A):940-952.

    In anticipation of the revision of the 1985 Food and Agricultural Organization/World Health Organization/United Nations University (FAO/ WHO/UNU) Expert Consultation Report on 'Energy and Protein Requirements', recent scientific knowledge on the principles underlying the estimation of energy requirement is reviewed. This paper carries out a historical review of the scientific rationale adopted by previous FAO/WHO technical reports on energy requirement, discusses the concepts used in assessing basal metabolic rate (BMR), energy expenditure, physical activity level (PAL), and examines current controversial areas. Recommendations and areas of future research are presented. The database of the BMR predictive equations developed by the 1985 FAO/WHO/UNU Expert Consultation Report on Energy and Protein Requirements needs updating and expansion, applying strict and transparent selection criteria. The existence of an ethnic/tropical factor capable of affecting BMR is not supported by the available evidence. The factorial approach for the calculation of energy requirement, as set out in the 1985 report, should be retained. The estimate should have a normative rather than a prescriptive nature, except for the allowance provided for extra physical activity for sedentary populations, and for the prevention of non-communicable chronic diseases. The estimate of energy requirement of children below the age of 10 years should be made on the basis of energy expenditure rather than energy intake. The evidence of the existence of an ethnic/tropical factor is conflicting and no plausible mechanism has as yet been put forward. (author's)
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  6. 6
    293192
    Peer Reviewed

    The World Health Organization and the transition from "international" to "global" public health.

    Brown TM; Cueto M; Fee E

    American Journal of Public Health. 2006 Jan; 96(1):62-72.

    The term "global health" is rapidly replacing the older terminology of "international health." We describe the role of the World Health Organization (WHO) in both international and global health and in the transition from one to the other. We suggest that the term "global health" emerged as part of larger political and historical processes, in which WHO found its dominant role challenged and began to reposition itself within a shifting set of power alliances. Between 1948 and 1998, WHO moved from being the unquestioned leader of international health to being an organization in crisis, facing budget shortfalls and diminished status, especially given the growing influence of new and powerful players. We argue that WHO began to refashion itself as the coordinator, strategic planner, and leader of global health initiatives as a strategy of survival in response to this transformed international political context. (author's)
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  7. 7
    292312
    Peer Reviewed

    Environmental degradation and human well-being: report of the Millennium Ecosystem Assessment.

    Population and Development Review. 2005 Jun; 31(2):389-398.

    The Millennium Ecosystem Assessment, an elaborate international project set up in 2001 under UN auspices, aims “to assess the consequences of ecosystem change for human wellbeing and to establish the scientific basis for actions needed to enhance the conservation and sustainable use of ecosystems and their contributions to human well-being.” It involves over 1,000 experts as panel and working group members, authors, and reviewers. Numerous reports are planned, covering the global and regional situations, scenarios of the future, and options for sustainable management. The first of these, the Millennium Ecosystem Assessment Synthesis Report, was issued in March 2005. The Report is organized around four main findings. The first two concern the past: what has happened and what it has meant for human welfare. The other two concern the future: what may happen and what might be done to improve matters. The time frame is the last 50 years and the next 50. Ecological change is assessed in terms of ecosystem services— the benefits humans receive from ecosystems. These include: provisioning services (supplying food, fresh water, timber, etc.); regulating services (climate regulation, erosion control, pollination); cultural services (recreation, aesthetic enjoyment); and supporting services (soil formation, photosynthesis, nutrient cycling). Of 24 services examined in the assessment, 15 are determined to be in decline or are being drawn on at an unsustainable rate. The welfare costs of these changes are disproportionately borne by the poor. Four world scenarios are developed to explore plausible ecological futures, varying in degrees of regionalism and economic liberalization and in approaches to ecosystem management. Under all of them the outlook is for continued pressure on consumption of ecosystem services and continued loss of biodiversity. In particular, ecosystem degradation “is already a significant barrier to achieving the Millennium Development Goals agreed to by the international community in September 2000 and the harmful consequences of this degradation could grow significantly worse in the next 50 years.” Remedy will be demanding: “An effective set of responses to ensure the sustainable management of ecosystems requires substantial changes in institutions and governance, economic policies and incentives, social and behavior factors, technology, and knowledge.” Such changes “are not currently under way.” The excerpt below, covering Findings #1 and #2 of the Assessment, is taken from the section of the report titled Summary for Decision-makers. Most of the charts are omitted. Parenthetical levels of certainty correspond to the following probabilities: very certain, = 98%; high certainty, 85–98%; medium, 65–85%; low, 52–65%. (author's)
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  8. 8
    290368

    Targeting the Fur: mass killings in Darfur. A Human Rights Watch briefing paper.

    Human Rights Watch

    New York, New York, Human Rights Watch, 2005 Jan 21. 22 p.

    Since February 2003, Darfur has been the scene of massive crimes against civilians of particular ethnicities in the context of an internal conflict between the Sudanese government and a rebel insurgency. Almost two million people have been forcibly displaced and stripped of all their property and tens of thousands of people have been killed, raped or assaulted. Even against this backdrop of extreme violence against civilians, several incidents in March 2004 stand out for the extraordinary level of brutality demonstrated by the perpetrators. In one incident, Sudanese government and “Janjaweed” militia forces detained and then conducted mass executions of more than 200 farmers and community leaders of Fur ethnicity in the Wadi Saleh area of West Darfur. In a second incident in neighboring Shattaya locality, government and militia forces attacked Fur civilians, detained them in appalling conditions for weeks, and subjected many to torture. To date, the Sudanese government has neither improved security for civilians nor ended the impunity enjoyed by its own officials and allied militia leaders. Immediate action including an increased international presence in rural areas of Darfur is needed to improve protection of civilians and reverse ethnic cleansing. International prosecutions are also essential to provide accountability for crimes against humanity and ensure justice for the victims in Darfur. The Sudanese government is clearly unwilling and unable to hold perpetrators of atrocities to account: a presidential inquiry into abuses recently disputed evidence of widespread and systematic abuses and instead of prosecutions, recommended the formation of a committee. The United Nations Security Council, following receipt of the January 25th report of the international commission of inquiry’s investigation into violations of international humanitarian law and human rights law and allegations of genocide in Darfur, should promptly refer the situation of Darfur to the International Criminal Court for prosecution. (excerpt)
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  9. 9
    289823

    International migration.

    Population Index. 1948 Apr; 14(2):97-104.

    Research in migration has been peculiarly susceptible to the changing problems of the areas and the periods in which demographers work. American studies of international movements diminished after the passage of Exclusion Acts, and virtually ceased as immigration dwindled during the depression years. On the other hand, surveys of internal migration proliferated as the facts of mass unemployment and the social approaches of the New Deal focused governmental attention on the relation of people to resources and to economic opportunity. Geographers and historians took over the field the demographers had vacated. The studies of pioneer settlement directed by Isaiah Bowman and those of Marcus Hansen dealing with the Atlantic crossing are outstanding illustrations of this non-demographic research on essentially demographic problems. Even when demographers investigated international movements they served principally as quantitative analysts of historical exchanges. This is not to disparage such studies as that of Truesdell on the Canadian in the United States, or of Coates on the United States immigrant in Canada, but merely to emphasize the point that Americans regarded international migration as an issue of the past. (excerpt)
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  10. 10
    274374
    Peer Reviewed

    Becoming human: the origins and development of women's human rights.

    Fraser AS

    Human Rights Quarterly. 1999; 21:853-906.

    This article will trace the evolution of thought and activism over the centuries aimed at defining women's human rights and implementing the idea that women and men are equal members of society. Three caveats are necessary. First, because women's history has been deliberately ignored over the centuries as a means of keeping women subordinate, and is only now beginning to be recaptured, this is primarily a Northern story until the twentieth century. Second, because of this ignorance, any argument that the struggle to attain rights for women is only a Northern or Western effort is without foundation. Simply not enough available records exist detailing women's struggles or achievements in the Southern or Eastern sections of the world. The few records available to Northern writers attest that women in other parts of the world were not content with their status. Third, the oft-heard argument that feminism (read the struggle for women's equality) is a struggle pursued primarily by elite women is simply another example of the traditional demeaning of women. History is replete with examples of male leaders who are not branded with this same charge, even though much of history is about elite men. (excerpt)
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  11. 11
    192675

    The intricacy of demography and politics: the case of population projections.

    Martinot-Lagarde P

    [Unpublished] 2001. Presented at the International Union for the Scientific Study of Population, IUSSP, 24th General Conference, Salvador, Brazil, August 18-24, 2001. 17 p.

    The purpose of this paper is to sketch the common lines of development of both the scientific elaboration of world population projections and the international political debate that prepared the ground for such projections and encouraged their development. A partial history of the elaboration of world population projections has already been written. International population debates from the XIX° and XX° centuries are also under scrutiny. But the link between these two developments has not been fully established. The link between projections and politics work both ways. In one direction, projections can contribute to a rationalization of government in the area of economic development, urban planning and so on. They provide societies with a partial view of their future. In the other direction, population projections cannot be undertaken without the help and support of governments and major international organizations. They rely on accurate and detailed censuses. They are costly and time consuming. At both end of the spectrum, there is a need for a global consensus not only within the scientific community and political arenas for population projections to be computed, received and considered as legitimate. More than many other instruments of demographic analysis, the history of world population projections demonstrate these linkages. (excerpt)
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  12. 12
    184562

    Challenges remain but will be different.

    Sinding S; Seims S

    In: An agenda for people: the UNFPA through three decades, edited by Nafis Sadik. New York, New York, New York University Press, 2002. 137-150.

    This volume chronicles the remarkable success -- indeed, the reproductive revolution -- that has taken place over the last thirty years, in which the United Nations Population Fund (UNFPA) has played such a major role. Our purpose in this chapter is to contrast the situation at the century's end with the one that existed at the time of UNFPA's creation thirty years ago, and to project from the current situation to the new challenges that lie ahead. In many respects, the successful completion of the fertility transition that is now so far advanced will bring an entirely new set of challenges, and these will require a fundamental rethinking about the future mandate, structure, staffing and programme of UNFPA in the twenty-first century. Our purpose here is to identify those challenges and speculate about their implications. (author's)
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  13. 13
    184561

    The Cairo imperative: how ICPD forged a new population agenda for the coming decades.

    Sai FT

    In: An agenda for people: the UNFPA through three decades, edited by Nafis Sadik. New York, New York, New York University Press, 2002. 113-135.

    The remarkable originality and achievements of the International Conference on Population and Development (ICPD), held in Cairo in September 1994, have sometimes been disregarded in the years since. Most fair-minded people acknowledge that ICPD succeeded in its main aims. But for those of us who participated in earlier population conferences and in the preparations for Cairo, it can be said to have succeeded beyond our wildest dreams -- in terms of its intent and programmatic content at least. In addition, it helped mobilize the population, health, women's rights and allied communities to shape a broad agenda for the population and related development fields for the next two decades. Of the three international conferences organized by the United Nations to help build world consensus on the need to address population issues, ICPD was by far the most successful, measured by numbers attending, levels and quality of delegates, international media attention, and the quality of the final consensus -- and an important watershed. After long preparation and vigorous debate, more than 180 countries agreed to adopt the 16-chapter ICPD Programme of Action. The 115-page document outlines a 20-year plan to promote sustainable, human-centred development and a stable population, framing the issues with broad principles and specific actions. The Cairo Programme of Action was not simply an updating of the World Population Plan of Action (WPPA), agreed to at Bucharest and revised at Mexico City, but an entirely fresh and original programme, calling for a major shift in strategies away from demographic goals and towards more individual human welfare and development ones. ICPD was the largest intergovernmental conference on population ever held: 11,000 representatives from governments, non-governmental organizations (NGOs), United Nations agencies and intergovernmental agencies participated, 4,000 NGOs held a parallel forum, and there was unprecedented media attention. ICPD was not just a single event, but an entire process culminating in the Cairo meeting. There were six expert group meetings, and regional conferences in Bali, Dakar, Geneva, Amman and Mexico City. There were many formal and informal NGO meetings and three official Preparatory Committee (PrepCom) meetings. Other crucial influences came from the 1987 Safe Motherhood Conference, the 1990 World Summit for Children, the 1990 Jomtien World Conference on Education for All, and the 1993 Vienna Conference on Human Rights. (author's)
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  14. 14
    184558

    Fostering compliance with reproductive rights.

    Cook RJ

    In: An agenda for people: the UNFPA through three decades, edited by Nafis Sadik. New York, New York, New York University Press, 2002. 47-80.

    This chapter explains the various mechanisms for fostering compliance with different rights relating to reproductive and sexual health, and explores programming options for fostering such compliance. The chapter is not exhaustive, but exploratory; recognizing that much more discussion is needed to address this issue adequately. (excerpt)
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  15. 15
    184563

    UNFPA and the global conferences.

    Singh JS

    In: An agenda for people: the UNFPA through three decades, edited by Nafis Sadik. New York, New York, New York University Press, 2002. 152-174.

    This document outlines the UNFPA's stance and involvement – financially and politically – in global conferences including those focusing on women (Mexico City, 1975; Copenhagen, 1980; Nairobi, 1985; and Beijing, 1995), and other issues related to the world’s population.
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  16. 16
    184564

    Population, resources and the environment: struggling towards sustainability.

    Hinrichsen D

    In: An agenda for people: the UNFPA through three decades, edited by Nafis Sadik. New York, New York, New York University Press, 2002. 175-188.

    This analysis looks at the United Nations Population Fund's (UNFPA's) work in the area of population-environment-development linkages. It then analyses the collective effects of 6 billion people, their consumption patterns, and resource use trends, in six different critical resource areas. (excerpt)
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  17. 17
    184556

    Thirty years of global population changes.

    Caldwell JC

    In: An agenda for people: the UNFPA through three decades, edited by Nafis Sadik. New York, New York, New York University Press, 2002. 2-23.

    In demographic terms, the last thirty years have been quite distinct from the period that preceded it, or, indeed, from any other period in history. The global fertility level had been almost stable for at least twenty years prior to 1965-1969, with a total fertility rate just under 5 children per woman, and this stability did not hide countervailing forces in different parts of the world. The developed countries, whether they had participated or not in the post-World War II “baby boom,” showed no strong trends in fertility, with a total fertility rate remaining around 2.7. The same lack of change characterized the developing countries, but there the total fertility rate was well over 6, as it may well have been for millennia. (excerpt)
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  18. 18
    161803

    [International system of protection of the human rights of women] Sistema internacional de proteccion de los derechos humanos de las mujeres.

    Bernales Ballesteros E

    In: Derechos humanos de las mujeres. Aportes y reflexiones, [compiled by] Movimiento Manuela Ramos. Lima, Peru, Movimiento Manuela Ramos, 1998 Nov. 161-97. (Serie Mujer y Derechos Humanos 6)

    The evolution over the past few decades of international law protecting the human rights of women is described, and the international instruments designed to protect these rights are assessed from the perspective of jurisprudence. The first sections examine factors that have allowed implantation of a culture of human rights throughout the entire planet to emerge as a goal of international law, and describe some assumptions underlying the theme of human rights of women. Documents that were crucial in the evolution are then analyzed, including the UN Charter, the first instrument expressly signaling the equality of rights of men and women, and the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. The UN Commission on the Juridical and Social Condition of Women and the Fourth International Conference on Women in Beijing in 1995 are also discussed. Mechanisms for international protection of the rights of women are examined, including the Declaration on Elimination of Discrimination Against Women and the Convention on Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination Against Women. Other organs for protection that are discussed include the Human Rights Committee and the Committee for Elimination of Discrimination Against Women, and regional mechanisms such as the Interamerican Human Rights Commission and Court and the Interamerican Conventions on Political Rights of Women, Civil Rights of Women, and Against Gender Violence. The final section contrasts the normative development of protections for women’s human rights with actual practices, and identifies the next steps that should be taken.
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  19. 19
    256186

    [The Population Commission through 50 years] Befolkningskommisjonen gjennom 50 ar.

    Bjerve PJ; Brunborg H

    TIDSSKRIFT FOR SAMFUNNSFORSKNING. 1998; 39(1):78-107.

    The article discusses the role of the United Nations' Population Commission through its first 50 years. The Commission has given advice on the development of population statistics, analyses, projections and policies. The Commission has also played an important role in the planning of and follow-up to the five World Population Conferences. The Commission has concentrated on problems faced by developing countries, including the role of family planning. The important link between population factors and development is emphasized in the 1995 change of name to the Commission for Population and Development. (EXCERPT) (SUMMARY IN ENG)
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  20. 20
    134647

    [Research centers and the teaching of demography] Centri di ricerca e di insegnamento della demographia.

    Maffioli D

    In: Demographie: analyse et synthese. Causes et consequences des evolutions demographiques, Volume 1. Rome, Italy, Universita degli Studi di Roma La Sapienza, Dipartimento di Scienze Demografiche, 1997 Sep. 291-310.

    Various international institutions of demography have played a leading role in research over the years including the Population Division of the UN, the International Union for the Scientific Study of Population, and the Comite International de Cooperation dans les Recherches Nationales in Demographie. Demographic research dates back to the work of J.P. Suessmilch in the 18th century, who first systematized such figures, and it reached its maturity in the second half of the 19th century, when the first International Congress of Demography was held in Paris in 1878, at which the term demography (coined in 1855 by A. Guillard) was officially accepted. In 1927, the separation of demography from statistics was demonstrated on an international level by the first World Population Conference held in Geneva. Margaret Sanger conceived the idea of the conference declaring that unchecked population growth could profoundly alter human civilization. In 1928, the International Union for the Scientific Investigation of Population was founded affirming the autonomy of demography. Population Index was founded in 1933, followed by various national demographic journals. Demography, the present organ of the Population Association of America, was founded in 1964, and Population and Development Review in 1974. After the second World War, a period of impasse set in, but during the 1950s and 1960s academic studies flourished, especially those preoccupying politicians and the public: the low fertility in the UK and France, international migration in the US, and above all, the growth of global population, primarily in the Third World. Intervention programs were formulated by specialized UN organizations (FAO, UNESCO, UNFPA) whose activities continue in conjunction with the research efforts of over 600 research centers worldwide.
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  21. 21
    137192

    The United Nations Decade for Women and beyond.

    Moghadam VM

    In: Women in the Third World: an encyclopedia of contemporary issues, edited by Nelly P. Stromquist. New York, New York, Garland Publishing, 1998. 477-85. (Garland Reference Library of Social Science Vol. 760)

    After an introduction that describes the UN Decade for Women (1976-85) as a catalyst to development of the global women's movement, this essay reviews the legal instruments and world conferences that led up to the Decade for Women. Selected conventions of concern to women from 1949 are tabulated to illustrate the number of ratifications received as of September 1993, and eight milestones in the UN effort to advance women are listed. The discussion then focuses on the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination Against Women, on the Nairobi Forward-Looking Strategies, and on the Fourth World Conference on Women and its Platform for Action. The next section of the essay describes the feminist networking that has flourished since the first women's conference in 1975 and received enough encouragement at the second conference in 1985 to spawn a global feminist movement. The essay continues with a review of the status of academic research into gender issues and of shifting policy in the UN system and other donor agencies as a result of adoption of a "Women in Development" approach. The essay then reviews the UN's 1994 World Survey on the Role of Women in Development to illuminate the role of women in a changing global economy and covers UN publications that seek to explicate women's positions in various regions in the 1990s. The essay concludes that the UN Decade for Women helped create common ground between activists in the North and the South, fostered networking, legitimized activities to promote women's rights, and inspired the UN to take action to advance women within its system.
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  22. 22
    129360

    Perspectives of external support agencies: comments from the UNCHS experience.

    Lorentzen J

    In: Indonesia's urban infrastructure development experience: critical lessons of good practice, edited by Hendropranoto Suselo, John L. Taylor and Emiel A. Wegelin. [Nairobi, Kenya], United Nations Centre for Human Settlements [HABITAT], 1995. 174-85.

    This monograph chapter discusses the historical experience of the UNCHS in providing technical support to the government of Indonesia's Integrated Urban Infrastructure Development Program (IUIDP). Technical cooperation began in 1978, when a national urban development strategy (NUDS) was adopted and implemented during 1978-85 by the Indonesian Ministry of Public Works and the Directorate General of Human Settlements. IUIDP included a national strategy for urban development through the year 2000. NUDS was intended to be flexible and change with conditions. It was understood that effective management and development of cities and towns would be a major challenge over time. Its success or failure would affect national objectives more than spatial demographic changes. NUDS recognized the importance of local government responsibility for urban development and service delivery and the role of the private sector, community groups, and individuals in planning, developing, and operating urban infrastructure and services. Financing would rely on local revenue generation. Agencies operated as enterprises. The focus was on increasing institutional resources for operations and maintenance, on improving existing built-up areas, and on shifting emphasis to service delivery. Integrated investment programs by sector would be needed locally. The need was to strengthen existing institutions and processes. In 1989, the program was expanded with the hindsight that effective intergovernmental and interdepartmental coordination was required. A management group was established to this end. Despite the over ambitiousness of the Project Document, seven important outcomes did occur.
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  23. 23
    128436

    The United Nations and Rwanda, 1993-1996.

    United Nations. Department of Public Information

    New York, New York, United Nations, Dept. of Public Information, 1996. [4], 739 p. (United Nations Blue Books Series, Vol. 10)

    Part 1 of the first section of this book on the UN involvement in Rwanda during the period 1993-96 opens with an overview that is followed in part 2 by provision of background information on Rwanda's colonial period, the role of the UN in supporting Rwandan independence, the domination of ethnic rivalries in Rwanda's social and political life, and the deteriorating conditions in the early 1990s that led the government and opposition forces to initiate peace talks. Part 3 traces the UN involvement in these negotiations that led to a peace agreement and the creation of the UN Assistance Mission for Rwanda (UNAMIR) to help implement this agreement. The fourth part describes the efforts of the UN and others to maintain the momentum of the peace process, and part 5 chronicles the resumption of civil conflict in 1994, including the massacre of Rwandan civilians, attempts by the UN to negotiate a cease-fire, and the decision that led the Security Council to reduce the size of UNAMIR and then to deploy UNAMIR II. Part 6 relates the massive migration of refugees from the fighting, the lengthy delays in deploying UNAMIR II, and the decision to authorize deployment of a French-led, multinational intervention. Part 7 discusses efforts to address the violations of humanitarian law, and part 8 details the humanitarian response to the emergency. The ninth part looks at the precarious situation of Rwandan refugees, the militarization of the refugee camps in Zaire, and efforts to create conditions that would encourage repatriation of refugees. Part 10 considers the final stages of the UN peace-keeping mission, the future role of the UN in Rwanda, and efforts of the UN to promote reconciliation and national reconstruction. Part 11 offers conclusions about the UN experience. Section 2 of the book provides a chronology of events and reprints relevant documents.
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  24. 24
    128435

    The United Nations and the advancement of women, 1945-1996. Revised ed.

    United Nations. Department of Public Information

    New York, New York, United Nations, Dept. of Public Information, 1996. [3], 845 p. (United Nations Blue Book Series, Vol. 6)

    The first section of this book traces the history of the UN's efforts to improve the status of women. An overview is presented in the first part, and part 2 chronicles the UN's efforts to secure the legal foundations of women's rights during the period 1945-62. Part 3 traces the stage of the UN's work (1963-75) that began with recognition of the indispensable role of women in development and of the gulf between the existence of women's legal rights and women's ability to exercise these rights. Part 4 follows developments through the UN Decade for Women (1976-85), and part 5 describes actions taken from 1986-96 to respond to the failure of the Decade for Women to achieve improvements in the priority areas of employment, health, and education. Part 6 concludes this section by remarking on the strategies and issues that will dominate the UN's next 50 years of work in improving women's status and eliminating gender-based discrimination and by noting that the Platform for Action from the 1996 Fourth World Conference on Women serves as a tool in the empowerment of women but that the formal recognition of women's rights has yet to lead to a practical improvement in their status. The remainder of the book contains 1) a chronology of events, 2) a chronology of UN conferences and seminars, and 3) a selection of documents on women published by the UN that form a comprehensive record of UN involvement in the campaign to promote women's rights, including the complete texts of the major conventions, treaties, and declarations.
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  25. 25
    121846

    From Bucharest to Cairo: 20 years of United Nations population conferences.

    Kuroda T

    Tokyo, Japan, Asian Population and Development Association, 1996 Dec. 33 p. (APDA Resource Series 2)

    This paper presents an overview of the distinguishing features of the 20th century by focusing on the decades between the first and third World Population Conferences (1974-94). The essay opens with a prologue which describes the increasing concern about population growth which served as the background to the development of the progressive World Population Plan of Action (WPPA) in 1974 and presents current population projections and annual growth rate data. The next topic is the adoption of the WPPA, with its last minute attention to family planning programs, at the Bucharest Conference. This is followed by consideration of the "Bucharest effect" which included reversals by China and India which led to their adoption of new policies to control growth. Discussion of the "quiet gathering" at Mexico City which adopted recommendations to further implement the WPPA in 1984 is augmented with a look at the ripple caused by the denial of the US delegation of the possibility of achieving demographic goals before achieving economic development. The three global upheavals experienced in the 20th century after the watershed of World War II are then identified as the world population explosion, the destruction of the global environment, and the conflicts which followed the fall of the Berlin Wall. The ensuing discussion then considers the three most important aspects of the world population crisis: the population growth rate, the size of the annual increases, and total global population. Finally, the paper looks at the Fourth International Conference on Population and Development during which the WPPA became a Programme of Action which embraced a revolutionary strategy calling for the empowerment of women to achieve population stability and development, emphasizing reproductive health care, and establishing targets to reduce death rates. The essay concludes by calling for a revolution in thinking to derive ways to cope with the upcoming 30 years of rapid population growth.
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