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Cambridge, Massachusetts, Belknap Press, 2008. xiv, 521 p.Rather than a conspiracy theory, this book presents a cautionary tale. It is a story about the future, and not just the past. It therefore takes the form of a narrative unfolding over time, including very recent times. It describes the rise of a movement that sought to remake humanity, the reaction of those who fought to preserve patriarchy, and the victory won for the reproductive rights of both women and men -- a victory, alas, Pyrrhic and incomplete, after so many compromises, and too many sacrifices. (Excerpt)
In: The global family planning revolution: three decades of population policies and programs, edited by Warren C. Robinson and John A. Ross. Washington, D.C., World Bank, 2007. 155-174.In Jamaica, as in many countries, the pioneers of family planning were men and women who sought to improve the well-being of their impoverished women compatriots, and who perhaps were also conscious of the social threats of rapid population growth. When, eventually, population control became national policy, the relationship between the initial private programs and the national effort did not always evolve smoothly, as the Jamaican experience shows (see box 10.1 for a timeline of the main events in relation to family planning in Jamaica). A related question was whether the family planning program should be a vertical one, that is, with a staff directed toward a sole objective, or whether it should be integrated within the public health service. These issues were not unique to Jamaica, but in one respect Jamaica was distinctive: it was the setting for the World Bank's first loan for family planning activities. Family planning programs entailed public expenditures that were quite different from the infrastructure investments for which almost all Bank loans had been made, and the design and appraisal of a loan for family planning that did not violate the principles that governed Bank lending at the time required a series of decisions at the highest levels of the Bank. These decisions shaped World Bank population lending for several years and subjected the Bank to a good deal of external criticism. For that reason, this chapter focuses on the process of making this loan. (excerpt)
Population and Development Review. 2006; 32 Suppl:1-51.By the end of the twentieth century, although expansion of population numbers in the developing world still had far to run, the pace had greatly slowed: widespread declines in birth rates had taken place and looked set to continue. To what degree population policies played a significant role in this epochal transformation of demographic regimes remains a matter of conjecture and controversy. It seems likely that future observers will be impressed by the essential similarities in the path to demographic modernity that successive countries have taken in the last few centuries, rather than discerning a demographic exceptionalism in the most recent period--with achievement of the latter credited to deliberate policy design. But that eventual judgment, whatever it may be, needs to be based on an understanding of how demographic change over the last half-century has been perceived and the responses it has elicited--an exercise in political demography. Such an exercise, inevitably tentative given the recency of the events, is essayed in this chapter. (excerpt)
Evolution of national population policies since the United Nations 1954 World Population Conference.
Genus. 2005 Jul-Dec; 61(3-4):297-328.Population policy did not figure prominently at the 1954 United Nations World Population Conference in Rome. It was a commonly held view at the time that "population matters" were in the personal and family sphere and thus, not an appropriate area of involvement for Governments. Nevertheless, some discussion took place on policies to reduce population growth in less developed regions, on policies to raise fertility in more developed regions, on the impact of population ageing and on the consequences of international migration for sending and receiving countries. This paper tracks Government's views and policies on population and development since the 1954 Rome Conference. Among other things, it considers the central role played by United Nations global population conferences in facilitating international cooperation and national government entrance into embracing population policies. (excerpt)
Genus. 2005 Jul-Dec; 61(3-4):141-163.World demographic growth at the time of the Rome Conference in 1954 was characterized by unprecedented high rates of natural increase. This was the consequence of the combined effect of faster declines in death rates and sustained high birth rates. As a result, world population would double from three to six billion between 1960 and 1999 and from 5 to 6 billion in just 12 years (1987-1999), while it had taken the world four times as much to double from 1.5 to 3 billion and nearly a millennium to reach the first billion. What triggered this growth were primarily unprecedented mortality declines, a better control of major killer diseases and increases in survival particularly in the developing countries (life expectancy increased from 41 to 65 years on average over the last three decades). With such unprecedented growth rates, the theory of demographic transition acquired particular policy significance in the late 1950s to raise a serious concern about the impact of current and projected growth rates both within countries and internationally at the economic, social and geopolitical levels. This theory would soon become the driving force behind all population policy objectives aimed at third world countries where governments were encouraged to formulate population policies, establish policy institutions and programme structures to implement family planning programmes, bring about smaller-sized families and help couples avoid unwanted pregnancies. (excerpt)
Population Research and Policy Review. 2005 Jan; 24(1):85-106.Our case studies of the evolution of population policies in Kenya and Malawi offer insights into the interaction between the global population movement and national governments. The comparison is useful because it permits identifying the common strategies of a global movement, strategies that are likely to be evident elsewhere; it also permits identifying differences in national responses related to particular domestic contexts. We find a common repertory of movement strategies to influence the governments of Kenya and Malawi to adopt a neo-Malthusian population policy and to implement a family planning program. However, these strategies were promoted more or less aggressively depending on the national response and the chronological period. National responses were related to differences in the governments' approaches to nation-building, their willingness to accept foreign influence and the importance they placed on preserving cultural traditions, and to their assessment of benefits they would gain from responding favorably to movement proposals. The data come from written accounts and from interviews with international actors and Kenyan and Malawian elites who participated in the policy development process. (author's)
International thinking on population policies and programmes from Rome to Cairo: Has South Africa kept pace?
South African Journal of Demography. 1996; 6(1):49-56.This paper reviews global thinking on population policy expressed at the world conferences on population matters from 1954 to 1994. The review is complemented by an overview of trends in South Africa that constituted a de jure population policy during the apartheid era. There is also a brief discussion of the Population Green Paper tabled in 1995, aimed at the establishment of a national population policy for South Africa. This is evaluated against the Programme of Action decided on at the International Conference on Population and Development (ICPD) held in Cairo, Egypt, in 1994. There is an indication that finally, South Africa can be said to be genuinely moving in the direction of respect for human rights in its population policies in harmony with global convention. In a sense, it is catching up with global trends in the population field after years of isolation resulting from sanctions against the apartheid government. (author's)
Population Research and Policy Review. 2004 Feb; 23(1):25-54.Using population assistance data, this study divides donor trends for population assistance into five distinct epochs: until the mid-1960s, the population hysteria of the 1960s and 1970s, Bucharest Conference and beyond, the 1984 Mexico City conference, and the 1990s. A number of decisive events, as well as changing views of the population problem, characterise each period and have affected the sums of population assistance from donor nations. Taking a long-term view of global population assistance, the research shows that four factors account for most of the historical funding trends from primary donors: the association between population assistance and foreign aid, the role of alarmists and doomsayers in the public debate over population issues, individuals in a position of power within donor governments, and decennial international population conferences. (author's)
In: An agenda for people: the UNFPA through three decades, edited by Nafis Sadik. New York, New York, New York University Press, 2002. 137-150.This volume chronicles the remarkable success -- indeed, the reproductive revolution -- that has taken place over the last thirty years, in which the United Nations Population Fund (UNFPA) has played such a major role. Our purpose in this chapter is to contrast the situation at the century's end with the one that existed at the time of UNFPA's creation thirty years ago, and to project from the current situation to the new challenges that lie ahead. In many respects, the successful completion of the fertility transition that is now so far advanced will bring an entirely new set of challenges, and these will require a fundamental rethinking about the future mandate, structure, staffing and programme of UNFPA in the twenty-first century. Our purpose here is to identify those challenges and speculate about their implications. (author's)
In: An agenda for people: the UNFPA through three decades, edited by Nafis Sadik. New York, New York, New York University Press, 2002. 113-135.The remarkable originality and achievements of the International Conference on Population and Development (ICPD), held in Cairo in September 1994, have sometimes been disregarded in the years since. Most fair-minded people acknowledge that ICPD succeeded in its main aims. But for those of us who participated in earlier population conferences and in the preparations for Cairo, it can be said to have succeeded beyond our wildest dreams -- in terms of its intent and programmatic content at least. In addition, it helped mobilize the population, health, women's rights and allied communities to shape a broad agenda for the population and related development fields for the next two decades. Of the three international conferences organized by the United Nations to help build world consensus on the need to address population issues, ICPD was by far the most successful, measured by numbers attending, levels and quality of delegates, international media attention, and the quality of the final consensus -- and an important watershed. After long preparation and vigorous debate, more than 180 countries agreed to adopt the 16-chapter ICPD Programme of Action. The 115-page document outlines a 20-year plan to promote sustainable, human-centred development and a stable population, framing the issues with broad principles and specific actions. The Cairo Programme of Action was not simply an updating of the World Population Plan of Action (WPPA), agreed to at Bucharest and revised at Mexico City, but an entirely fresh and original programme, calling for a major shift in strategies away from demographic goals and towards more individual human welfare and development ones. ICPD was the largest intergovernmental conference on population ever held: 11,000 representatives from governments, non-governmental organizations (NGOs), United Nations agencies and intergovernmental agencies participated, 4,000 NGOs held a parallel forum, and there was unprecedented media attention. ICPD was not just a single event, but an entire process culminating in the Cairo meeting. There were six expert group meetings, and regional conferences in Bali, Dakar, Geneva, Amman and Mexico City. There were many formal and informal NGO meetings and three official Preparatory Committee (PrepCom) meetings. Other crucial influences came from the 1987 Safe Motherhood Conference, the 1990 World Summit for Children, the 1990 Jomtien World Conference on Education for All, and the 1993 Vienna Conference on Human Rights. (author's)
In: An agenda for people: the UNFPA through three decades, edited by Nafis Sadik. New York, New York, New York University Press, 2002. 47-80.This chapter explains the various mechanisms for fostering compliance with different rights relating to reproductive and sexual health, and explores programming options for fostering such compliance. The chapter is not exhaustive, but exploratory; recognizing that much more discussion is needed to address this issue adequately. (excerpt)
In: An agenda for people: the UNFPA through three decades, edited by Nafis Sadik. New York, New York, New York University Press, 2002. 152-174.This document outlines the UNFPA's stance and involvement – financially and politically – in global conferences including those focusing on women (Mexico City, 1975; Copenhagen, 1980; Nairobi, 1985; and Beijing, 1995), and other issues related to the world’s population.
In: An agenda for people: the UNFPA through three decades, edited by Nafis Sadik. New York, New York, New York University Press, 2002. 175-188.This analysis looks at the United Nations Population Fund's (UNFPA's) work in the area of population-environment-development linkages. It then analyses the collective effects of 6 billion people, their consumption patterns, and resource use trends, in six different critical resource areas. (excerpt)
In: An agenda for people: the UNFPA through three decades, edited by Nafis Sadik. New York, New York, New York University Press, 2002. 2-23.In demographic terms, the last thirty years have been quite distinct from the period that preceded it, or, indeed, from any other period in history. The global fertility level had been almost stable for at least twenty years prior to 1965-1969, with a total fertility rate just under 5 children per woman, and this stability did not hide countervailing forces in different parts of the world. The developed countries, whether they had participated or not in the post-World War II “baby boom,” showed no strong trends in fertility, with a total fertility rate remaining around 2.7. The same lack of change characterized the developing countries, but there the total fertility rate was well over 6, as it may well have been for millennia. (excerpt)
In: The Pope and population policy, [compiled by] Catholics for a Free Choice. Washington, D.C., Catholics for a Free Choice, .  p.The pope is trying to control the language of a draft Program of Action for the 1994 UN International Conference on Population and Development (ICPD). The ICPD document, a blueprint for a 20-year campaign to stabilize world population, differs from its predecessors in that it links population growth with reproductive rights and urges family planning and the advancement of women's health and equality. These efforts are directly contrary to the Vatican's extremely conservative policies on population and the role of women, and explain why the Vatican has given such unprecedented attention to the Cairo conference in recent months. However, Vatican intervention in population policies is not new. This paper documents Vatican efforts to control population debate from 1961 to 1994.
European Journal of Population. 1994; 10(4):349-80.The five international population conferences that began with the 1927 conference in Geneva are described and their deliberations analyzed to provide context for the upcoming International Conference on Population and Development in Cairo. The demographic problem at the time of the Geneva conference was posed entirely in European terms, with proponents of the individual freedom to limit fertility pitted against those fearing fertility decline and denatality, especially in France. Between the 1954 conference in Rome and the 1965 conference in Belgrade, concern increased over rapid population growth, accelerated urbanization, Third World development problems, and the progress of contraceptive usage. The analyses of the 1974 conference in Bucharest and the 1984 conference in Mexico City provide greater detail on the preparations for the conferences, the follow-up activities, the political issues and debates, the strategies employed, and the influence of contemporary issues and events such as the New World Economic Order and the growth of the environmental movement. Issues likely to be emphasized at the Cairo conference are then identified and discussed. It is to be hoped that greater international consensus will be achieved on the relationship between population and development and the need for international cooperation in population activities.
Population et Societes. 1994 May; (290):1-3.The first international population conference was organized in 1927 by the League of Nations, and led to creation of the International Union for the Scientific Study of Population. At the time, the concept of family planning as an exercise of individual freedom was controversial in countries such as France which were intent on raising their low birth rates. After the war, the UN created a Population Commission and a Population Division for demographic study. The first director general of UNESCO, Julian Huxley, recommended that each country develop a population policy to be integrated into a world policy. His proposed World Population Conference finally was held in Rome in 1954. It was a conference of experts, not of government representatives, but the debates were as much political and ideological as scientific. The concept of population explosion was at the time replacing the notion of overpopulation. In 1962, Sweden announced that it would include family planning in the population programs it financed. The willingness of the UN to respond to all requests for population and family planning assistance was announced at the 1965 World Population Conference in Belgrade. The idea that rapid population growth had negative effects on economic development was becoming prominent. In December 1966, twelve heads of government signed a Population Declaration affirming the right of couples to knowledge and means of family planning. The UN Fund for Population Activities was created; its annual budget has grown from $5 million in 1969 to $240 million at present. The 1974 World Population Conference at Bucharest was a meeting of governments and not of experts. The Plan of Action finally adopted declared demographic variables to be dependent on development and social justice. Fertility regulation was related to family welfare and contraception to maternal and child health, female education, and regulation of age at marriage. The Bucharest Conference legitimized the concept of population policies. By the 1994 World Population Conference in Mexico City, a deceleration of demographic growth was occurring in many countries due to the combined effects of economic progress and family planning programs. The gap between countries better integrated into the world economic system and those especially in sub-Saharan Africa that were failing to achieve integration was widening. The European countries began calling attention to their own population problems of aging, low fertility, and international migration. Abortion was debated but did not appear in the final conference document. The eighty-eight recommendations were adopted by acclamation. The upcoming 1994 Cairo Conference, like the Bucharest and Mexico City conferences, was preceded by expert meetings and regional conferences. The proposed World Population Plan of Action is more elaborate than its predecessors, and the range of problems to be addressed is daunting. The Cairo Conference will have been useful if it advances international cooperation even slightly.
The International Union for the Scientific Study of Population and population policy research, 1954-1987.
In: International transmission of population policy experience. Proceedings of the Expert Group Meeting on the International Transmission of Population Policy Experience, New York City, 27-30 June 1988, compiled by United Nations. Department of International Economic and Social Affairs. New York, New York, United Nations, 1990. 74-84. (ST/ESA/SER.R/108)The International Union for the Scientific Study of Population and Population Policy Research (IUSSP) is the main organization devoted to international scholarly attention on population issues. As such, they are concerned with the transmission of policy-relevant findings from social science research, social history, and demographic research. This paper examines IUSSP's changing relations with governments and the United Nations during its 60-year history. By reviewing its experiences, it is hoped that important lessons will be learned from IUSSP's successes and failures in influencing population policy matters. Consideration of these lessons will help indicate how social science research may make future contributions toward the improvement of population policy. The policy problems of high-fertility countries undergoing demographic transition are examined. Problems of post- transition societies are not considered.
[International transmission of population policy experience in Sub-Saharan Africa] Transmission internationale en Afrique Sub-Saharienne de l'experience en matiere de politique de population.
In: International transmission of population policy experience. Proceedings of the Expert Group Meeting on the International Transmission of Population Policy Experience, New York City, 27-30 June 1988, compiled by United Nations. Department of International Economic and Social Affairs. New York, New York, United Nations, 1990. 116-29. (ST/ESA/SER.R/108)A significant change of direction in matters of population policy occurred between the 1974 World Population conference in Bucharest, when most African countries argued that their populations were insufficient and that growth should be encouraged, and the 1984 adoption of the Program of Action of Kilimanjaro, which indicated the interest of African countries in limiting population growth. This work examines international influences on the formulation and implementation of family planning policies and programs in sub-Saharan Africa. Interest in African demography in the early 20th century reflected the need for information on the newly colonized populations. Demographic knowledge and attitudes toward population questions were strongly influenced by the dominant attitudes in the colonial powers. Countries colonized by Great Britain had a longer tradition of census taking and more liberal legislation on contraception and sterilization; these countries tended to become interested in family planning at an earlier date than countries colonized by France or other powers. After independence, interest in African demography was due almost exclusively to the region's unprecedented population growth. With the creation of the UN Fund for Population Activities in 1969, programs to aid developing countries at their request in implementing population training and research and information and consultative services were given a significant boost. The major project of the UNFPA in its 1st 10 years was to improve mechanisms of data collection and analysis in Africa, especially through the "African census program". The UNFPA financed the expansion of the Statistics and Population Divisions of the Economic Commission for Africa in order to assist the census program. Almost simultaneously, training programs were developed to increase demographic competencies within Africa. The UNFPA financed 2 regional centers in Ghana and Cameroon for demographic training and research. The 2 centers have trained over 500 high level demographers who are employed in various national services, most often planning ministries. The World Population Conference at Bucharest was influential in bringing population questions into the open in Africa. The resulting program to monitor population trends and policies of member countries had a great impact on African countries. The UNFPA encouraged African states to develop structures for formulation and implementation of population policies and programs integrated into their general development strategies. Family planning programs in the region have primarily been seen as tools for improving maternal and child health. The International Union for the Scientific Study of Population, the International Planned Parenthood Federation, and other nongovernmental organizations have been active in demographic research and provision of family planning services. A major challenge for africa will be to guarantee satisfaction of the basic needs of its peoples so that large families need no longer be seen as sources of security.
In: International transmission of population policy experience. Proceedings of the Expert Group Meeting on the International Transmission of Population Policy Experience, New York City, 27-30 June 1988, [compiled by] United Nations. Department of International Economic and Social Affairs. Population Division. New York, New York, United Nations, 1990. 167-83. (ST/ESA/SER.R/108)Tracing the evolution of population policies at the international level from 1965-present, the authors look beyond official policy statements and examine the practical politics of population policy. The authors argue that in addition to long-term demographic and economic processes, population policy has been shaped by the changes in the distribution of global power and influence. The paper divides the evolution of population policy into 3 stages: the population control approach (1965- 74); the population planning approach (1974-81); and the competitive pluralism in population policy approaches (1981-present). The 1st stage of population policy was led by a several groups that had organized themselves into a population control coalition. Dominated by the US, this coalition looked at population growth in developing countries as a global threat, and actively pursued population policies to limit rapid population growth by means of family planning. The 2nd phase moved away from the population control ideology, adopting a population planning approach that saw population growth as more of a local problem affecting the development of individual nations. This phase saw an increase in the distribution of power. And the 3rd and current phase has been marked by an even greater distribution of power, as more groups have become involved in population policy. At the same time that transnational coalitions have assumed greater influence, the scope of conflict over population policy issues has widened. Because population policy has been linked to political and ideological considerations, the authors note that those wishing to improve the quality of decision- making will be more effective if they possess a good understanding of the changing political and organizational environment.
Washington, D.C., PCC, 1990.  p.This pamphlet traces the 25-year history of the Population Crisis Committee (PCC), a private non-profit organization that seeks to increase awareness and action around the goal of reducing population growth in developing countries. For the period between 1965-1990, the report provides a timeline of changes in PCC's leadership, as well as an account of changes in the vital statistics, such as world population size and the amount of US foreign aid for family planning. In 1965, the population of the world stood at 0.308 billion people, and US family planning aid totaled $2.0 million. By 1990, the figures stand at 5.317 billion and $288.2 million, respectively. The pamphlet also describes events in which the PCC has major involvement, including: 1965 -- Congress holds hearings on how the US should respond to rapid world population growth, hearings which lead to an increase in funding of foreign aid programs; 1968 -- the Agency for International Development gives its first grant to the International Planned Parenthood Federation in the amount of $3.5 million; 1974 -- 135 countries adopt the World Population Plan of Action, and 135 countries support a resolution on food and population at the World Food Conference; 1984 -- participants at the International Conference on Population in Mexico City criticize the Reagan administration's retreat on population efforts and restrictive new abortion policies; 1989 -- a government move to eliminate funds for population aid is blocked.
FORUM FOR APPLIED RESEARCH AND PUBLIC POLICY. 1988 Spring; 3(1):99-109.Some ethical aspects of population policy are examined. The author reviews the history of the development of population policies, with particular reference to the implications for the United States and the U.N. system. He suggests that the concern for human rights aspects of population policy has overemphasized Western cultural values and that other cultural values need to be given more consideration in the future. (ANNOTATION)
New York, New York, UNFPA, 1989 Sep 1. vi, 82 p.International population assistance became a distinct form of aid in the 1950's . Since then assistance grew until 1972 when it reached US $400 million. In 1985 it reached its highest peak of US $512.5 million and has since declined to below US $500 million. Population assistance accounts for 1.3% of Official Development Assistance (ODA), a substantial decline from the near 2% levels attained in the 70's. This report provides information on the levels, trends and nature of population assistance from 1982-88. It is divided into 2 sections: donors and recipients. 17 donor countries provide all population assistance (PA); among these only 10 provide 95% of all funds. The US is the largest donor providing US$200 million annually (accounting for 50%) followed by Japan who contributes US$50 million (constituting 10% of the total). The 8 other countries include Canada, Denmark, Germany, Finland, the Netherlands, Norway, Sweden and the United Kingdom. 3 major categories are used for PA: 1) bilateral aid from individual country donors; 2) aid to UN organizations and 3) aid to non-governmental organizations. The recipients are grouped by regions: sub-Sahara Africa, Asia and the Pacific, Latin America (including the Caribbean) and the Middle East-North Africa. Asia has received 1/2 of all PA through bilateral channels; Latin America's PA increased up to 1985 through NGO and bilateral channels, but declined thereafter; Africa's PA began through UN channels in 1982 but by 1986 bilateral and NGO channels increased. Most of the differences in PA are due to the political and administrative conditions of population policy formulation in the developing countries, and reflect the politics and diplomacy of international assistance in general. (author's modified)
In: Country studies on strategic management in population programmes, edited by Ellen Sattar. Kuala Lumpur, Malaysia, International Council on Management of Population Programmes, 1989 May. 62-72. (Management Contributions to Population Programmes Series Vol. 8)Malaysia is a country of 15.8 million people, composed mainly of Malays, Chinese, and Indians. General health conditions are relatively good; the crude death rate is 5.3, the infant mortality rate is 17.5, and the maternal mortality rate is 0.4. Family planning began with the establishment of the Family Planning Service of the Family Planning Association in Slangor state in 1953. The Federation of Family Planning Associations, Malaya, was established from the union of several state associations in 1957. The Federation became a member of the International Planned Parenthood Federation in 1961. In the early 1970s family planning was integrated into the Maternal and Child Health Services of the Ministry of Health, and the National Family Planning Program of Malaysia was implemented by the National Family Planning Board, the Ministry of Health, and the Federation. In 1984, the government announced its new population policy with the goal of 70 million people by 2100. To attain this goal, the fertility rate must decline by 0.1 point every 5 years. This is actually a slower rate of decrease than that advocated by the National Family Planning Program in 1966, a point which has caused great misunderstanding about the national population policy among the public. As a result, the Federation of Family Planning Associations of Malaysia has altered its strategy to emphasize family planning service delivery, education, and women's health. The new strategy is called the Community Extension Family Planning Programme. The Federation is now the only nongovernmental agency active in the national family planning program. The Federation now has 3 major strategies: 1) to increase the number of family planning acceptors; 2) to provide family life education and disseminate information among young people, eligible couples, and community leaders; and 3) to promote the status of women. Surveys have shown the 99% of married women are aware of at least 1 method of contraception, but only 30% of women use a effective method. The government, however, has deemphasized family planning in favor of economic development, and the Islamic fundamentalists oppose all forms of family planning.
Report of the Executive Director on the policy implications of the findings and conclusions of the UNFPA's review and assessment of population programme experience.
New York, New York, United Nations Population Fund [UNFPA], 1989 Apr. 14. 25 p. (DP/1989/37; A/E/BD/1)This 20 year review and assessment of UNFPA's population experience and operations. 3 major areas focusses on: 1) population data, policy development and planning; 2) maternal and child health and family planning (MCH/FP); 3) and information, education and communication. Even though 82% of the developing world's population live in countries where current rates of population growth are considered too high; where 84% live in countries were fertility rates are considered too high; where 91% live in countries where levels of life expectancy are too low and where close to 90% live in countries where population patterns of distribution are unacceptable, most of the governments have not been able to implement population policies effectively. There is an urgent need for more rigorous population interventions in the future by developing clear and achievable goals, activities to improve program effectiveness and mobilization of required resources for the 1990's at national and international levels. UNFPA's 4 major population program goals for the 1990's are: 1) development of comprehensive population policies to help achieve sustainable development; 2) decelaration of rapid population growth through the expansion of information, education and services for FP; 3) lowering the current levels of infant, child and maternal mortality rates; and 4) improvement of the role, status and participation of women. Means to success include obtaining political commitment; introducing strategic planning and programming; diversifying the agents for demographic change; and strengthening resource mobilization. The international donor community must raise the amount and quality of assistance provided and improve donor cooperation and collaboration.