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Chapel Hill, North Carolina, University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill, Carolina Population Center, MEASURE Evaluation, 2015 Apr.  p. (SR-15-118C; USAID Cooperative Agreement No. AID-OAA-L-14-00004)This publication is one of eight case studies that were developed as part of a broader review entitled Family Planning in Latin America and the Caribbean: The Achievements of 50 Years. As its title implies, the larger review documents and analyzes the accomplishments in the entire region since the initiation of U.S. Agency for International Development (USAID) funding in the early 1960s. El Salvador has made enormous progress in terms of family planning over the past five decades. It has reduced fertility rates; it has developed a robust legal and regulatory framework for FP; it has allocated resources for procuring contraceptives for its population; it now offers information and contraceptive services to the entire population of the country with the active participation of civil society organizations, especially women’s organizations.
Chapel Hill, North Carolina, University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill, Carolina Population Center, MEASURE Evaluation, 2015 Apr.  p. (SR-15-118F; USAID Cooperative Agreement No. AID-OAA-L-14-00004)This publication is one of eight case studies that were developed as part of a broader review entitled Family Planning in Latin America and the Caribbean: The Achievements of 50 Years. As its title implies, the larger review documents and analyzes the accomplishments in the entire region since the initiation of U.S. Agency for International Development (USAID) funding in the early 1960s. Nicaragua has made significant progress in improving its macro-level primary health care indicators, reducing maternal mortality and increasing contraceptive prevalence. There has also been increased participation by the Instituto Nicaragense de Seguridad Social (INSS) in providing family planning services and commodities, thus reducing the burden on health ministry facilities. The government has shown its strong commitment to comprehensive services to improve the health of the population.
[Washington, D.C.], World Bank, Development Research Group, Poverty and Inequality Team, 2012 Nov.  p. (Policy Research Working Paper No. 6259)The paper presents an overview of calculations of global inequality, recently and over the long-run as well as main controversies and political and philosophical implications of the findings. It focuses in particular on the winners and losers of the most recent episode of globalization, from 1988 to 2008. It suggests that the period might have witnessed the first decline in global inequality between world citizens since the Industrial Revolution. The decline however can be sustained only if countries’ mean incomes continue to converge (as they have been doing during the past ten years) and if internal (within-country) inequalities, which are already high, are kept in check. Mean-income convergence would also reduce the huge “citizenship premium” that is enjoyed today by the citizens of rich countries.
Geneva, Switzerland, UNAIDS, 2011.  p.30 years into the AIDS epidemic, 30 milestones, thoughts, images, words, artworks, breakthroughs, inspirations, and ideas in response.
Geneva, Switzerland, World Health Organization [WHO], 2010.  p. (Discussion Paper Series on Social Determinants of Health No. 1)Today an unprecedented opportunity exists to improve health in some of the world's poorest and most vulnerable communities by tackling the root causes of disease and health inequalities. The most powerful of these causes are the social conditions in which people live and work, referred to as the social determinants of health (SDH). The Millennium Development Goals (MDGs) shape the current global development agenda. The MDGs recognize the interdependence of health and social conditions and present an opportunity to promote health policies that tackle the social roots of unfair and avoidable human suffering. The Commission on Social Determinants of Health (CSDH) is poised for leadership in this process. To reach its objectives, however, the CSDH must learn from the history of previous attempts to spur action on SDH. This paper pursues three questions: (1) Why didn't previous efforts to promote health policies on social determinants succeed? (2) Why do we think the CSDH can do better? (3) What can the Commission learn from previous experiences -- negative and positive -- that can increase its chances for success? (Excerpt)
American Journal of Public Health. 2008 Oct; 98(10):1737.The 1994 Cairo International Conference on Population and Development helped governments, the organs and agencies of the United Nations system, and nongovernmental organizations move beyond the confines of traditional family planning approaches. This watershed event fostered and defined subsequent international and national reproductive and sexual health policies and programs as well as global efforts to realize reproductive and sexual rights. However, moving beyond history, or the "archeology of Cairo" (as a participant at a meeting I recently attended called it), are we now simply using the language of the Cairo conference with little attention to the conceptual and operational implications of its words? Has the politically charged notion of rights with its attendant government responsibility and accountability succumbed to the less controversial notion of health? As the public health community recognized even before the Cairo consensus, barriers to reproductive and sexual health operate on a number of levels-including legal, social, cultural, political, financial, attitudinal, and practical -- and interact in complex ways. What rights add to this mix is a framework for programming and for action and a legal rationale for government responsibility-not only to provide relevant services but also to alter the conditions that create, exacerbate, and perpetuate poverty, deprivation, marginalization, and discrimination as these affect reproductive and sexual health. By fixing attention on the responsibility and accountability of governments to translate their international-level commitments into national and subnational laws, policies, programs, and practices that promote and do not hinder reproductive and sexual health, the actions of governments are open to scrutiny to determine their influences-both positive and negative-on reproductive and sexual health, including barriers that affect the availability, accessibility, acceptability, and quality of reproductive and sexual health services, structures, and goods. Despite the framework that the Cairo conference helped put into place, work falling under the rubric of reproductive and sexual rights now includes everything from the provision of abortion services to the reduction of maternal mortality -- as though simply working on these issues is equal to working on rights. Consequently, one has to ask this: Are reproductive, and even sexual, rights becoming synonymous with reproductive, and sexual, health? Those who understand their work to be in the area of reproductive and sexual rights sorely need to discuss whether their efforts are aligned with the politics that underlie the words of the Cairo conference or whether, bluntly speaking, the politics are a historical artifact and it is simply time to move on. Bringing the political back into reproductive and sexual rights would require going beyond the technical dimensions of addressing reproductive and sexual health issues to the application of the norms and standards that are engaged by a human rights discourse. This includes attention to the basics of reproductive and sexual rights: the efforts that exist to ensure the sustained participation of affected communities; how discrimination that affects both vulnerability to ill health and access and use of services is being tackled; the extent to which any legal, political, and financial constraints are being addressed; how rights considerations are brought into policy and program design, implementation, and evaluation; and the existence of mechanisms that require government as well as intergovernmental and nongovernmental institution accountability. And so yes, in a word, words do matter. And they matter for the actions they inspire. (full-text)
Population and Development Review. 2006; 32 Suppl:1-51.By the end of the twentieth century, although expansion of population numbers in the developing world still had far to run, the pace had greatly slowed: widespread declines in birth rates had taken place and looked set to continue. To what degree population policies played a significant role in this epochal transformation of demographic regimes remains a matter of conjecture and controversy. It seems likely that future observers will be impressed by the essential similarities in the path to demographic modernity that successive countries have taken in the last few centuries, rather than discerning a demographic exceptionalism in the most recent period--with achievement of the latter credited to deliberate policy design. But that eventual judgment, whatever it may be, needs to be based on an understanding of how demographic change over the last half-century has been perceived and the responses it has elicited--an exercise in political demography. Such an exercise, inevitably tentative given the recency of the events, is essayed in this chapter. (excerpt)
[Unpublished] 2001. Presented at the International Union for the Scientific Study of Population, IUSSP, 24th General Conference, Salvador, Brazil, August 18-24, 2001. 17 p.The purpose of this paper is to sketch the common lines of development of both the scientific elaboration of world population projections and the international political debate that prepared the ground for such projections and encouraged their development. A partial history of the elaboration of world population projections has already been written. International population debates from the XIX° and XX° centuries are also under scrutiny. But the link between these two developments has not been fully established. The link between projections and politics work both ways. In one direction, projections can contribute to a rationalization of government in the area of economic development, urban planning and so on. They provide societies with a partial view of their future. In the other direction, population projections cannot be undertaken without the help and support of governments and major international organizations. They rely on accurate and detailed censuses. They are costly and time consuming. At both end of the spectrum, there is a need for a global consensus not only within the scientific community and political arenas for population projections to be computed, received and considered as legitimate. More than many other instruments of demographic analysis, the history of world population projections demonstrate these linkages. (excerpt)
Population Research and Policy Review. 2004 Feb; 23(1):25-54.Using population assistance data, this study divides donor trends for population assistance into five distinct epochs: until the mid-1960s, the population hysteria of the 1960s and 1970s, Bucharest Conference and beyond, the 1984 Mexico City conference, and the 1990s. A number of decisive events, as well as changing views of the population problem, characterise each period and have affected the sums of population assistance from donor nations. Taking a long-term view of global population assistance, the research shows that four factors account for most of the historical funding trends from primary donors: the association between population assistance and foreign aid, the role of alarmists and doomsayers in the public debate over population issues, individuals in a position of power within donor governments, and decennial international population conferences. (author's)
British Medical Bulletin. 2003; 67:13-25.The health of mothers has long been acknowledged to be a cornerstone of public health and attention to unacceptably high level of maternal mortality has been a feature of global health and development discussions since the 1980s. However, although a few countries have made remarkable progress in recent years, the reality has not generally followed the rhetoric. Health and development partners have failed to invest seriously in safe motherhood and examples of large-scale and sustained programmes are rare. Safe motherhood has tended to be seen as a subset of other programmes such as child survival or reproductive health and is often perceived to be too complex or costly for under-resourced and over-stretched health care systems that have limited capacity. Despite this, a consensus has emerged about the interventions needed to reduce maternal mortality and there are good examples (historical and contemporary) of what can be achieved within a relatively short time period. The activities of both grassroots organizations and international health and development agencies have helped to build political will and momentum. Further progress in improving maternal health will require outspoken and determined champions from within the health system and the medical community, particularly the obstetricians and gynaecologists, and from among decision-makers and politicians. But in addition, substantial and long-term funding—by governments and by donor agencies—is an essential and still missing component. (author's)
New York, New York, United Nations, Dept. of Public Information, 1996. , 739 p. (United Nations Blue Books Series, Vol. 10)Part 1 of the first section of this book on the UN involvement in Rwanda during the period 1993-96 opens with an overview that is followed in part 2 by provision of background information on Rwanda's colonial period, the role of the UN in supporting Rwandan independence, the domination of ethnic rivalries in Rwanda's social and political life, and the deteriorating conditions in the early 1990s that led the government and opposition forces to initiate peace talks. Part 3 traces the UN involvement in these negotiations that led to a peace agreement and the creation of the UN Assistance Mission for Rwanda (UNAMIR) to help implement this agreement. The fourth part describes the efforts of the UN and others to maintain the momentum of the peace process, and part 5 chronicles the resumption of civil conflict in 1994, including the massacre of Rwandan civilians, attempts by the UN to negotiate a cease-fire, and the decision that led the Security Council to reduce the size of UNAMIR and then to deploy UNAMIR II. Part 6 relates the massive migration of refugees from the fighting, the lengthy delays in deploying UNAMIR II, and the decision to authorize deployment of a French-led, multinational intervention. Part 7 discusses efforts to address the violations of humanitarian law, and part 8 details the humanitarian response to the emergency. The ninth part looks at the precarious situation of Rwandan refugees, the militarization of the refugee camps in Zaire, and efforts to create conditions that would encourage repatriation of refugees. Part 10 considers the final stages of the UN peace-keeping mission, the future role of the UN in Rwanda, and efforts of the UN to promote reconciliation and national reconstruction. Part 11 offers conclusions about the UN experience. Section 2 of the book provides a chronology of events and reprints relevant documents.
New York, New York, UNFPA, 1989 Sep 1. vi, 82 p.International population assistance became a distinct form of aid in the 1950's . Since then assistance grew until 1972 when it reached US $400 million. In 1985 it reached its highest peak of US $512.5 million and has since declined to below US $500 million. Population assistance accounts for 1.3% of Official Development Assistance (ODA), a substantial decline from the near 2% levels attained in the 70's. This report provides information on the levels, trends and nature of population assistance from 1982-88. It is divided into 2 sections: donors and recipients. 17 donor countries provide all population assistance (PA); among these only 10 provide 95% of all funds. The US is the largest donor providing US$200 million annually (accounting for 50%) followed by Japan who contributes US$50 million (constituting 10% of the total). The 8 other countries include Canada, Denmark, Germany, Finland, the Netherlands, Norway, Sweden and the United Kingdom. 3 major categories are used for PA: 1) bilateral aid from individual country donors; 2) aid to UN organizations and 3) aid to non-governmental organizations. The recipients are grouped by regions: sub-Sahara Africa, Asia and the Pacific, Latin America (including the Caribbean) and the Middle East-North Africa. Asia has received 1/2 of all PA through bilateral channels; Latin America's PA increased up to 1985 through NGO and bilateral channels, but declined thereafter; Africa's PA began through UN channels in 1982 but by 1986 bilateral and NGO channels increased. Most of the differences in PA are due to the political and administrative conditions of population policy formulation in the developing countries, and reflect the politics and diplomacy of international assistance in general. (author's modified)
New York, New York, PPFA, 1987. 16 p.This brochure published by the Planned Parenthood Federation of America, (PPFA) tells the story of the dismemberment of the U.S. international family planning policy from 1961 to 1987. Official family planning policy began in the U.S. in 1961 with Kennedy's endorsement of contraceptive research. In 1968 Congress first allotted foreign aid funds for family planning. By 1973, the tide turned with Helms' amendment to the foreign assistance act prohibiting use of funds to support abortion. In 1983, USAID cut funds for the prestigious journal International Planning Perspectives, because the agency's review board chairman objected to an article on health damage of illegal abortion and mention of legal abortion. It took a court ruling to restore funds. In the same year, the Pathfinder Fund was pressured to accept the U.S. policy articulated in 1984 as the "Mexico City Policy." This ideology states that the U.S. would no longer support any program that performs, advocates, refers or counsels women about abortion, even if those activities are legal and funded by non-U.S. sources. Next, USAID pulled support from the International Planned Parenthood Federation (IPPF). The U.S. has multiplied support for natural family planning 10-fold to $8 million, and permitted organizations to counsel clients in this method without offering conventional alternatives. In 1986, the U.S. dropped support for the U.N. Fund for Population Activities, claiming alleged Chinese compulsory abortions as a reason. The PPFA has sued for a reversal of the policy of withholding USAID funds from FPIA, the international division of PPFA. The main arguments are presented, along with a list of typical FPIA projects.
New York, New York, Oxford University Press, 1985. 243 p.This report focuses on the contribution that international capital makes to economic development. While paying close attention to the events of the recent past, it also places the use of foreign capital in a broader and longer-term perspective. Using this perspective, the Report shows how countries at different stages of development have used external finance productively; how the institutional and policy environment affects the volume and composition of financial flows to developing countries; and how the international community has dealt with financial crises. A recurring theme of the Report is that countries in debt-servicing difficulties are not necessarily those with the largest debts or those that have suffered the biggest external shocks. The Report stresses that international flows of capital can promote global economic efficiency and can allow deficit countries to strike the right balance between reducing their deficits and financing them. A historical perspective on the role of international finance in economic development is presented, followed by an assessment of policies of industrial economies from the perspective of developing countries. The importance of developing countries' policies in deriving benefits from foreign capital is considered. Issues in managing capital flows are presented. The Report then discusses the main mechanisms through which foreign capital flows to developing countries. An overview of the international financial system and its relations with developing countries are presented. Issues in official development finance are examined. The evolving relationship between the developing countries and international capital markets is outlined. Possibilities for a bigger role for direct and portfolio investment in developing countries are examined. The Report concludes that the developing countries will have a continuing need for external finance. It demonstrates that many of the policies required to attract external finance and promote economic growth are either being implemented or planned already. A prosperous and stable world can become a reality if each country follows the route outlined.
London, England, Bodley Head, 1984. 286 p.This biography of the British family planning pioneer Helena Wright, who lived from 1887-1981, is based on her books, letters, and papers and on a series of personal interviews, as well as on the recollections and writings of her friends, colleagues, and critics. Considerable attention was given to her background and early life because of their strong influence on her later works and attitudes. Wright was the only physician among the small group of women who founded the British Family Planning Association, and was a founder and officeholder of the International Planned Parenthood Federation. She helped gain acceptance of the principle of contraception from the Anglican clergy and the medical establishment, and was an early worker in the field of sex education and sex therapy. Among Wright's books were works on sexual function in marriage, sex education for young people, contraceptive methods for lay persons and for medical practitioners, and sexual behavior and social mores. This biography also contains extensive material on the history of contraception and of the birth control movement, including the development of the British Family Planning Association and the International Planned Parenthood Federation, as well as important early figures in the movement.
Population at the United Nations: programs in search of a policy. (Population Planning Working Paper No. 6.)
Paper presented at the Annual Meeting of the Population Association of America, New York City, April 18-20, 1974. Ann Arbor, Michigan, University of Michigan, Department of Population Planning, School of Public Health, 1974. 39 pUN programs which have been most successful have been those which are not politically controversial; those which fall primarily within the jurisdiction of a single UN agency; and those which do not entail in their application any major organizational change or alteration of social values. Unfortunately, these ingredients are missing in population. Fertility reduction programs evoke intense political reactions. Rather than population fitting neatly within the exclusive purview of WHO, it necessitates an organizational contribution from FAO, ILO, UNESCO, the UN, UNICEF, and the World Bank. The technologies involved in population control require major organizational adaptation if they are to be effectively delivered to the populations for whom they are intended, and they are incompatible with the values of large segments of the societies in which they are employed. The agencies differ from one another in their mandates and areas of concern, their forms of governance, their organizational ideologies, their budgets and sources of funds, and their degree of emphasis on technical assistance and field activities. There is much more diversity and pluralism among UN agencies than is generally recognized. It is concluded that if the UN is to be successful in applying different strategies of population assistance, it may have to learn to capitalize on its pluralism and minimize the negative consequences.