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Population Research and Policy Review. 2004 Feb; 23(1):25-54.Using population assistance data, this study divides donor trends for population assistance into five distinct epochs: until the mid-1960s, the population hysteria of the 1960s and 1970s, Bucharest Conference and beyond, the 1984 Mexico City conference, and the 1990s. A number of decisive events, as well as changing views of the population problem, characterise each period and have affected the sums of population assistance from donor nations. Taking a long-term view of global population assistance, the research shows that four factors account for most of the historical funding trends from primary donors: the association between population assistance and foreign aid, the role of alarmists and doomsayers in the public debate over population issues, individuals in a position of power within donor governments, and decennial international population conferences. (author's)
In: An agenda for people: the UNFPA through three decades, edited by Nafis Sadik. New York, New York, New York University Press, 2002. 137-150.This volume chronicles the remarkable success -- indeed, the reproductive revolution -- that has taken place over the last thirty years, in which the United Nations Population Fund (UNFPA) has played such a major role. Our purpose in this chapter is to contrast the situation at the century's end with the one that existed at the time of UNFPA's creation thirty years ago, and to project from the current situation to the new challenges that lie ahead. In many respects, the successful completion of the fertility transition that is now so far advanced will bring an entirely new set of challenges, and these will require a fundamental rethinking about the future mandate, structure, staffing and programme of UNFPA in the twenty-first century. Our purpose here is to identify those challenges and speculate about their implications. (author's)
In: An agenda for people: the UNFPA through three decades, edited by Nafis Sadik. New York, New York, New York University Press, 2002. 2-23.In demographic terms, the last thirty years have been quite distinct from the period that preceded it, or, indeed, from any other period in history. The global fertility level had been almost stable for at least twenty years prior to 1965-1969, with a total fertility rate just under 5 children per woman, and this stability did not hide countervailing forces in different parts of the world. The developed countries, whether they had participated or not in the post-World War II “baby boom,” showed no strong trends in fertility, with a total fertility rate remaining around 2.7. The same lack of change characterized the developing countries, but there the total fertility rate was well over 6, as it may well have been for millennia. (excerpt)
International Social Science Journal. 2000 Sep; 165:255-268.This article gives an overview of related UNESCO activities over the past 50 years. Numerous UNESCO publications, results of various conferences, symposia and experts meetings serve to remind us of the important role that international migration has played in the process of social transformations throughout the world. (excerpt)
[From family planning to reproductive health and beyond. Draft] De la planificacion familiar a la salud reproductiva y mas alla. Borrador para libro.
[Unpublished] 1997 Mar. 155,  p.This work traces the evolving orientation of institutional family planning at the international level, from the beginning of the birth control movement in the US around 1915 to the recent consensus that family planning should be considered in the broader framework of reproductive health. The opening chapter discusses the origins of the antinatalist movement in the birth control, eugenics, and population control movements and the beginning of US government involvement in family planning. Family planning and its objectives are defined, and the growing view of family planning as a right is discussed in chapter 2. The pressures and achievements of the 1974 World Population Conference in Bucharest, which led to a broadening of the focus to encompass issues of development, are assessed. The impact of the environmental movement and the international decade of women, and the economic crisis of the 1980s in Latin America and its consequences for family planning are discussed. The attitudes expressed at the 1984 World Population Conference in Mexico City and the decline of US support for international family planning activities are then examined. Beginning around the mid-1980s, a series of shortcomings in family planning programs were noted at the same time that worldwide survey programs demonstrated impressive gains in family planning in developing countries. The gathering movement for reproductive health was embraced by foundations, and reflected in changes of emphasis in the most important international organizations. The focus on reproductive health prevailed at the 1994 International Conference on Population and Development in Cairo, but doubts have arisen since then over the future of support for family planning and other reproductive health services.
Population et Societes. 1994 May; (290):1-3.The first international population conference was organized in 1927 by the League of Nations, and led to creation of the International Union for the Scientific Study of Population. At the time, the concept of family planning as an exercise of individual freedom was controversial in countries such as France which were intent on raising their low birth rates. After the war, the UN created a Population Commission and a Population Division for demographic study. The first director general of UNESCO, Julian Huxley, recommended that each country develop a population policy to be integrated into a world policy. His proposed World Population Conference finally was held in Rome in 1954. It was a conference of experts, not of government representatives, but the debates were as much political and ideological as scientific. The concept of population explosion was at the time replacing the notion of overpopulation. In 1962, Sweden announced that it would include family planning in the population programs it financed. The willingness of the UN to respond to all requests for population and family planning assistance was announced at the 1965 World Population Conference in Belgrade. The idea that rapid population growth had negative effects on economic development was becoming prominent. In December 1966, twelve heads of government signed a Population Declaration affirming the right of couples to knowledge and means of family planning. The UN Fund for Population Activities was created; its annual budget has grown from $5 million in 1969 to $240 million at present. The 1974 World Population Conference at Bucharest was a meeting of governments and not of experts. The Plan of Action finally adopted declared demographic variables to be dependent on development and social justice. Fertility regulation was related to family welfare and contraception to maternal and child health, female education, and regulation of age at marriage. The Bucharest Conference legitimized the concept of population policies. By the 1994 World Population Conference in Mexico City, a deceleration of demographic growth was occurring in many countries due to the combined effects of economic progress and family planning programs. The gap between countries better integrated into the world economic system and those especially in sub-Saharan Africa that were failing to achieve integration was widening. The European countries began calling attention to their own population problems of aging, low fertility, and international migration. Abortion was debated but did not appear in the final conference document. The eighty-eight recommendations were adopted by acclamation. The upcoming 1994 Cairo Conference, like the Bucharest and Mexico City conferences, was preceded by expert meetings and regional conferences. The proposed World Population Plan of Action is more elaborate than its predecessors, and the range of problems to be addressed is daunting. The Cairo Conference will have been useful if it advances international cooperation even slightly.
In: Earth summit. Conversations with architects of an ecologically sustainable future, by Steve Lerner. Bolinas, California, Commonweal, 1991. 237-48.The former secretary of the Brundtland Commission, now the executive director of the Center for Our Common Future, presents a historical overview of the international environment efforts since the formation of the independent Brundtland Commission. The 21-member commission held public hearings in Brazil, Canada, China, Europe, Indonesia, Kenya, and the USSR to get the common people's perspective. In fact, the commission used their quotes in the report, Our Common Future. The members organized regional presentations of the report to nongovernmental organizations and to governments. The UN Conference on Environment and Development (UNCED) emerged from the debate, which occurred on the day of the 1987 stock market crash, so it did not get much media coverage. The Center for Our Common Future was created to promote the messages of the commission's report and to increase the dialogue on sustainable development. The Center has set up a global network of 160 working partners in 70 countries. A key message of the report is forging a path from confrontation to cooperation. We all must accept part of the responsibility of working toward sustainable development. Participants in a 1990 meeting in Vancouver agreed that the UNCED process needs broad participation. 26 issues are on the UNCED agenda, including water, toxics, biodiversity, biotechnology, land management, ocean management, and acid rain, which are too numerous to manage at the UNCED. A North/South issue is no longer relevant because we are a global community and we must cooperate. The only way the North is going to advance is if it considers its economic self-interest. Much of the world is waiting for the US to lead, but it is not budging. Many suggest that Europe take the lead, e.g., Norway's climate fund. Grass roots groups need to organize and empower themselves to effect change.
DEVELOPMENT DIALOGUE. 1989; (2):5-38.The story of IBFAN, the International Baby Food Action Network, from its beginning with 6 members in 1979, to its status of 140 groups worldwide in 1989 is told by its founder, Annelies Allain. IBFAN celebrated its 10th anniversary in October 1989 with a week-long Forum of 350 organizers from 67 countries. IBFAN is a single-tissue grass-roots organization, almost entirely women: the issue is that bottle-feeding kills babies. It has mounted a successful campaign ending in passage of the WHO/UNICEF International Code of Marketing of Breast-milk Substitutes in 1981. With this success, the political power of the "third system," of people, as opposed to government and transnational corporations, was recognized. The most important fundamental activity of IBFAN is to amass information to make its point that million of babies, primarily in developing countries, have died from consuming powdered formula instead of breast milk. IBFAN also set out to show that milk companies have influenced medical school training, health care providers, UN and WHO policies, and governments of developing countries through advertising and tax income. IBFAN's methods are boycott, corporate marketing analysis, shareholder, resolutions, and numerous strategies invented by local activists. The baby food industry responded by forming the International Council of Infant Food Industries, headed by a former WHO Assistant Director General, and applied for registration as an official NGO with the WHO. Again in 1987 they formed the Infant Food Manufacturers Associations, headed by a former WHO staff member, and gained WHO NGO status, claiming to advance infant nutrition and adhere to the WHO Code. Ibfan's current emphasis is on combatting free infant formula given out at maternity hospitals, the most effective way to block successful lactation, is developed as well as developing countries. An effort to monitor this activity will mark the 10th anniversary of the Code in 1991.
[Unpublished] 1989 Nov. 126 p. (A/E/BD/4/Sec. II)UNFPA has published a comprehensive document on the state of the art of maternal and child health and family planning (MCH/FP) worldwide. This paper mostly focuses on family planning because that is UNFPA's mandate, but since MCH/FP services are often delivered in an integrated fashion the recommendations and strategies for the management and administration of FP in this paper can also apply to MCH services. This document is a practical and useful historical analysis that traces past, current and future trends in family planning. It discusses issues and strategies, controversies, conflicts, advantages and disadvantages of population/FP issues by region and between developed and developing countries. The reader gets a comprehensive overview in MCH/FP during the past 3 decades. Major conferences, policies and events focusing on MCH/FP issues are interwoven into the multiple factors involved in FP practice and future needs. There are 9 chapters and 14 tables of valuable data. The chapters include: 1) Introduction; 2) Current FP practice and future needs in developed and developing countries; 3) Macro-environmental factors affecting provision of services; 4) Approaches to service delivery in the public and private sectors; 5) Current and future contraceptive technology; 6) Strategic issues; 7) Administrative issues; 8) Special challenges; and 9) Future priorities.
WORLD HEALTH FORUM. 1988; 9(2):185-99.This article explains how the concept of health for all developed within the context of the history of the World Health Organization (WHO). By the early 1970s a new idea was taking shape in WHO. Medical services were failing to reach vast numbers. Health would have to emerge from the people themselves. In the heat of discussion the new strategy was clarified and given a name--primary health care (PHC). An ambitious target was set for it--no less than health for all by the year 2000. It was decided that the community itself had to be involved in planning and implementing its own health care. A new type of health worker was called for, chosen by the people from among themselves and responsible to the community but supported by the entire health system. In virtually all countries, the emphasis on curative care would have to be balanced by an equal emphasis on prevention. Almost 90% of WHO's Member States were prepared to share with one another detailed information about the problems facing their health systems. Industrial countries were beginning to realize that sophisticated medical technology was no guarantee of good health and that health for all through PHC offered an alternative. Millions of health workers have been trained, extending services to low-income groups that had no access to modern health care. Among health professionals, lack of understanding of the PHC concept and insufficient concern for social equity remain the principal constraints. Another problem is that expenditure on health care tends to be viewed as a drain on scarce resources rather than as an investment in the nation's future. The mommentum of health for all can be sustained only by governments implementing at home the policies they have collectively agreed on at The World Health Assembly in Geneva.
New York, New York, Oxford University Press, 1985. 243 p.This report focuses on the contribution that international capital makes to economic development. While paying close attention to the events of the recent past, it also places the use of foreign capital in a broader and longer-term perspective. Using this perspective, the Report shows how countries at different stages of development have used external finance productively; how the institutional and policy environment affects the volume and composition of financial flows to developing countries; and how the international community has dealt with financial crises. A recurring theme of the Report is that countries in debt-servicing difficulties are not necessarily those with the largest debts or those that have suffered the biggest external shocks. The Report stresses that international flows of capital can promote global economic efficiency and can allow deficit countries to strike the right balance between reducing their deficits and financing them. A historical perspective on the role of international finance in economic development is presented, followed by an assessment of policies of industrial economies from the perspective of developing countries. The importance of developing countries' policies in deriving benefits from foreign capital is considered. Issues in managing capital flows are presented. The Report then discusses the main mechanisms through which foreign capital flows to developing countries. An overview of the international financial system and its relations with developing countries are presented. Issues in official development finance are examined. The evolving relationship between the developing countries and international capital markets is outlined. Possibilities for a bigger role for direct and portfolio investment in developing countries are examined. The Report concludes that the developing countries will have a continuing need for external finance. It demonstrates that many of the policies required to attract external finance and promote economic growth are either being implemented or planned already. A prosperous and stable world can become a reality if each country follows the route outlined.