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East Asian Science, Technology and Society. 2016 Dec; 10(4):445-467.This paper studies the formation of Japanese ventures in family planning deployed in various villages in Asia from the 1960s onward in the name of development aid. By critically examining how Asia became the priority area for Japan's international cooperation in family planning and by analyzing how the adjective "humanistic" was used to underscore the originality of Japan's family planning program overseas, the paper shows that visions of Japanese actors were directly informed by Japan's delicate position in Cold War geopolitics, between the imagined West represented by the United States and "underdeveloped" Asia, at a time when Japan was striving to (re-)establish its position in world politics and economics. Additionally, by highlighting subjectivities and intra-Asian networks centered on Japanese actors, the paper also aims to destabilize the current historiography on population control which has hitherto focused either on Western actors in the transnational population control movement or on non-Western "acceptors" subjected to the population control programs.
Cambridge, Massachusetts, Belknap Press, 2008. xiv, 521 p.Rather than a conspiracy theory, this book presents a cautionary tale. It is a story about the future, and not just the past. It therefore takes the form of a narrative unfolding over time, including very recent times. It describes the rise of a movement that sought to remake humanity, the reaction of those who fought to preserve patriarchy, and the victory won for the reproductive rights of both women and men -- a victory, alas, Pyrrhic and incomplete, after so many compromises, and too many sacrifices. (Excerpt)
In: The global family planning revolution: three decades of population policies and programs, edited by Warren C. Robinson and John A. Ross. Washington, D.C., World Bank, 2007. 155-174.In Jamaica, as in many countries, the pioneers of family planning were men and women who sought to improve the well-being of their impoverished women compatriots, and who perhaps were also conscious of the social threats of rapid population growth. When, eventually, population control became national policy, the relationship between the initial private programs and the national effort did not always evolve smoothly, as the Jamaican experience shows (see box 10.1 for a timeline of the main events in relation to family planning in Jamaica). A related question was whether the family planning program should be a vertical one, that is, with a staff directed toward a sole objective, or whether it should be integrated within the public health service. These issues were not unique to Jamaica, but in one respect Jamaica was distinctive: it was the setting for the World Bank's first loan for family planning activities. Family planning programs entailed public expenditures that were quite different from the infrastructure investments for which almost all Bank loans had been made, and the design and appraisal of a loan for family planning that did not violate the principles that governed Bank lending at the time required a series of decisions at the highest levels of the Bank. These decisions shaped World Bank population lending for several years and subjected the Bank to a good deal of external criticism. For that reason, this chapter focuses on the process of making this loan. (excerpt)
Population Research and Policy Review. 2005 Jan; 24(1):85-106.Our case studies of the evolution of population policies in Kenya and Malawi offer insights into the interaction between the global population movement and national governments. The comparison is useful because it permits identifying the common strategies of a global movement, strategies that are likely to be evident elsewhere; it also permits identifying differences in national responses related to particular domestic contexts. We find a common repertory of movement strategies to influence the governments of Kenya and Malawi to adopt a neo-Malthusian population policy and to implement a family planning program. However, these strategies were promoted more or less aggressively depending on the national response and the chronological period. National responses were related to differences in the governments' approaches to nation-building, their willingness to accept foreign influence and the importance they placed on preserving cultural traditions, and to their assessment of benefits they would gain from responding favorably to movement proposals. The data come from written accounts and from interviews with international actors and Kenyan and Malawian elites who participated in the policy development process. (author's)
In: An agenda for people: the UNFPA through three decades, edited by Nafis Sadik. New York, New York, New York University Press, 2002. 2-23.In demographic terms, the last thirty years have been quite distinct from the period that preceded it, or, indeed, from any other period in history. The global fertility level had been almost stable for at least twenty years prior to 1965-1969, with a total fertility rate just under 5 children per woman, and this stability did not hide countervailing forces in different parts of the world. The developed countries, whether they had participated or not in the post-World War II “baby boom,” showed no strong trends in fertility, with a total fertility rate remaining around 2.7. The same lack of change characterized the developing countries, but there the total fertility rate was well over 6, as it may well have been for millennia. (excerpt)
INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF HEALTH SERVICES. 1997; 27(3):523-40.This article draws largely on the work of Linda Gordon's "Woman's Body, Woman's Right" and of Bonnie Mass's "Population Target" to analyze the history of the birth control movement and trace the elements present in current debate to their origins in the conflicts and contradictions of the movement's history. After noting that humans have attempted to control births since ancient times, the article begins with the efforts of English radical neo-Malthusians to promote birth control and continues by sketching the change in emphasis from poverty reduction to women's rights. By the 20th century in the US, changing views of sexuality and working-class militancy ignited the US birth control movement and inspired the work of Margaret Sanger. After Sanger split with social radicals, professionals and eugenicists began to play a major role in population control efforts. Eugenicists and racists attempted to use birth control for social engineering; it was to be used again as a tool in a new era of social planning after World War II when it metamorphosized into "family planning." The US need for the resources of developing countries led to concerns about population growth fueling nationalistic fires. Thus, private agencies began a postwar population control effort in developing countries. This received official US approval with the 1958 report of the Draper Committee that targeted world population growth as a US security issue. In 1966, Dr. Ravenhold led the US Agency for International Development into the population field. Population control efforts garnered international opposition at the World Population Conference in Bucharest in 1974, however, but this had little impact on the strong US commitment to population control.
POPULATION BULLETIN OF THE UNITED NATIONS. 1986; (19-20):14-25.The 4 international population conferences held under the auspices of the United Nations (UN) are placed in historical perspective. Although each was unique, together they comprise a coherent whole reflecting the changing world situation and the increasing understanding of population dynamics and policies. The 1st UN Population Congress was held in Rome in 1954. Organized in collaboration with the International Union for the Scientific Study of Population, it was comprised of experts and emphasized methods and technics of demography, which was still evolving as an independent discipline. The 2nd Conference at Belgrade in 1965, resembled its predecessor in that the delegates were experts. However, it expanded the scope of demographic concerns to related fields and policy issues. For the 1st time fertility was viewed as a policy variable in the context of development planning. The Bucharest conference, held a decade later, was the 1st comprised of government representatives. Since the scientific and technical topics had been explored in preparatory symposia, the conference focused on drawing up the 1st international document on population policy, the World Population Plan of Action, which reflected the tension between states emphasizing the need for fertility decline and those emphasizing the need for a new international economic order. The 1984 conference, held in Mexico City, was also made up of government representatives. Benefitting from extensive preparations including 4 scientific symposia, 5 regional meetings and meetings of the Preparatory Committee, it was successful in refining and making more concrete the World Population Plan of Action. Taken together, the 4 conferences transformed demography from a purely statistical discipline to a multidisciplinary science extending into the domain of population policies and programs. (author's modified)
World population and the United States: the development of an idea, statement made at the United States in the World International Conference, Washington, D.C. 28 September 1976.
New York, N.Y., UNFPA, . 20 p.A history of United States attitudes toward population problems is presented. In 1954, it seemed that the UN and its agencies were precluded from involvement in population action programs. In the US, the battles of Margaret Sanger and Abraham Stone were still fresh in the memory. The forces that would change this situation were already at work. American demographers, economists and campaigners articulated them. At the World Population Conference that year papers presented by Americans were crucial. Abraham Stone presented a paper on new developments in contraception. It has been feared that any discussion of contraception at the Conference could prevent its success. By the early 1950s, anxiety had grown that the prophecies of Thomas Malthus were about to be realized. In some Asian countries, notably India, death rates combined with high birth rates had caused some concern for years. Biologists, economists, agriculturists, and sociologists were also concerned with the quality of life in the US. During the 50s, the considerable resources of the US research and development began to turn toward improvements in contraceptive methods. By the end of the decade, a viable contraceptive pill had been developed and tested, and the earliest IUD had been considerably improved. At the same time, means of improving the delivery of contraceptive services were sought. Marketing and promotion were applied to family planning campaigns. In 1965-66, the US government finally turned around on the population issue. A firmly established action program within the UN system did not end the controversy over the place of population in development. The women's movement in this country has coincided with heightened consciousness in the international community of the importance of women as agents rather than mere recipients.