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Development Bulletin. 2002 Dec; (60):8-12.Land is the key to resolving many of the conflicts and problems of Melanesia. Solutions have to involve ways that will work for the majority of the people of the region. A characteristic of the Melanesian South Pacific is that control of the land and virtually all other natural resources is not held exclusively by the state. Only small percentages of the region’s land resources have been alienated to the state. In Papua New Guinea (PNG) it is less than 3 per cent; in the Solomon Islands about 12 per cent, and in Vanuatu all land was deemed to return to its customary owners at independence. These natural resources are held in various combinations of customary group rights and customary individual rights. These rights continue to operate within a range of customary land tenure and land use systems. National constitutions of these countries specifically recognise the validity of these customary systems within the modern state; the majority of citizens want them to continue. Such determination in the face of significant continuing outside as well as internal pressures implies that there is much about these customary tenure systems that is not appreciated by outside forces that try to undermine and destroy them. Why are these systems so important and how can other activities link up with such customary institutions? With these customary rights come expectations and responsibilities in value systems that channel and direct both social and economic behaviour patterns of people living within those systems. Over time the strong links between rights and responsibilities have begun to fade and integrated patterns of beliefs, values and behaviour have become less integrated and more diffuse. Critical areas such as leadership, for example, have taken on new characteristics, expectations and behaviour patterns to such an extent that many modern leaders act with virtual impunity within their ‘fiefdoms’, especially in dealings with natural resources. The conjunction between land, people and governance in Melanesia must underlie efforts to resolve Melanesia’s current problems and malaise. To speak constructively about ‘South Pacific Futures’ the critical importance of land in these societies must be addressed to find forward-thinking ways to resolve Melanesian dilemmas. (excerpt)
In: Safe Motherhood initiatives: critical issues, edited by Marge Berer and TK Sundari Ravindran. Oxford, England, Blackwell Science, 1999. 85-92. (Reproductive Health Matters)This costing study aims to provide program planners with a better appreciation of the costs entailed in implementing the Mother-Baby Package in Uganda. Using a standard WHO methodology, it was found that the Ugandan government presently spends about US$0.50 per capita on maternal and newborn health care. Approximate cost to upgrade this care to conform with the standards and guidelines set forth in the Mother-Baby Package would be US$1.40 per capita, representing an incremental cost of US$0.90 per capita. Inclusion of capital and overhead costs would raise the cost to more or less US$1.80 per capita, bringing the incremental cost up to US$1.30. This study was conducted as part of the efforts of the Ugandan government to implement a comprehensive safe motherhood program to reduce high levels of maternal and neonatal morbidity and mortality in the country. It has assisted national authorities, donor governments, and other partners at the national level in newborn care. In addition, it has facilitated an important dialogue on maternal and newborn health care financing and sustainability issues.
Washington, D.C., Population Crisis Committee, 1989 Jul. 30 p.The World Bank created a department to fund population programs in developing countries in 1970. Population issues are not part of the Bank's analytical and policy tasks, and many of the staff do not believe these programs are important. There is also no policy or mechanism at this time to ensure minimum funding. Management has not informed the operations staff of any strong commitment for these programs and there are no incentives for population lending. There have been no cost benefit studies of population projects, and the loans have not been made financially attractive to borrowers. The Bank needs to play a stronger role on population issues, and examine the extent to which lending can enhance population programs. It should convince developing countries that family planning is a good investment, and project this commitment to its own operations staff. Under continuing organizational changes, management of population programs have been melded into other social programs; therefore no current structure exists to evaluate and monitor these programs. The Bank needs to centralize management of population programs and expand the regional staff. To make population programs more effective, a clear strategy for population lending should be formulated. Program design should be developed from the critical needs of the project. A policy statement should be quickly developed, containing a coherent strategy for the bank's role in population work. The most crucial needs of the developing countries, on a country by country basis, must be addressed, and the Bank should no rely on health ministries solely to implement population programs. The current funding of $2.5 billion is far less than the $7.5 billion needed to provide family planning services to the developing countries; a minimum of $1 billion a year is needed for these programs.
Paris, France, Organization for Economic Co-operation and Development, 1974. (CD/SDD/288) 68 pParticipants' views on shorter population conferences in Africa, rather than longer training workshops, are analyzed. It is concluded that the impact of such conferences could be improved by more precise planning and selection of themes and participants. So far the conferences have succeeded in affecting donor agency views rather than changing African governments' opinions. Some agencies use inappropriate strategies, overemphasizing family planning. Such plans fail to accomplish their desired end. Participants generally agree that advance information should be available and more quick follow-up work is necessary. Conferences should try to be small and short, preferably organized by the U.N. The selection of participants should include more women, fewer government officials, and fewer of the "regular" participants. Opinions regarding problems and viewpoints often differ between anglophone and francophone African communities.