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[The European Fertility and Family Planning Survey in Hungary] Europai Temekenysegi es Csaladvizsgalat Magyarorszagon.
DEMOGRAFIA. 1995; 38(4):309-39.During December 1992 and November 1993 data were collected in Hungary in accordance with a questionnaire developed by the Population Unit of the European Economic Committee of the UN consisting of 10 chapters. A total of 3554 women aged 18-41 and 1919 men aged 20-44 completed the questionnaires which were processed by using the Integrated System of Survey Analysis package. 14% of the women and 10% of the men had been raised without one or both parents up to age 15. In the cohorts under age 25, twice as many children experienced the divorce of their parents than in the cohorts over age 40. 57% of the women left the family home by age 24 versus 27% of the men. Only 21% of women aged 20-24 were married by the age of 20, while 41% of women had been married by that age. 17% of women aged 20-24 lived in consensual union as opposed to 4% of women aged 40. Notwithstanding these findings, marriages that were not preceded by cohabitation were more stable. One-third of women aged over 25 gave birth to the first child by age 20 and two-thirds by age 24; only one-fourth of women aged 20-24 had their first child by age 20 and two-fifths by age 24. The average number of children is 1.9. Women's use of oral contraceptives is most popular up to age 40, while over that age the use of IUDs is increasing. The number of women under 25 using condoms makes up only one-fifth of the number of women relying on OCs. 25% of women over age 40 versus 7-8% of adolescents had undergone at least one abortion. The average number of children wanted by women was 2.1; only 1-2% of young people wanted no children during their lifetime; and 80% of both men and women disagreed that the institution of marriage was an outdated concept.
Teaneck, New Jersey, Negative Population Growth, 1994 Aug.  p. (Negative Population Growth Position Paper)This position paper for the world population conference in Cairo in 1994 by the Negative Population Growth (NPG) organization reiterates the belief that disaster will result if growth is not stopped at eight billion people and then reversed. The demands of population growth require stopping growth and not just accommodating it. NPG recommends that the low variant of eight billion can only be reached by attaining subreplacement fertility of 1.7 by 2025-30. This means that world fertility would need to decline from the present 3.2 within 35 years. Family planning (FP) measures alone will not produce subreplacement fertility. A concerted effort must be made to change family size desires in all nations and to increase the demand for contraceptives. Universal access to FP is only one way to achieve subreplacement fertility. Measures such as expanded modernization or improving the status of women and educational status will not bring about change fast enough. Noncoercion in promotion of smaller families is a requirement. Incentives have been successful in China and Singapore. China faces a huge problem, and its past coercion should neither be promoted nor condemned. The final draft UN document is flawed in not stipulating a goal, such as the low UN variant. Sustainable development is not feasible with the present billions, much less with eight billion people. The solution is the combined interaction of FP, modernization, better status and education for women, reduced family size desires, incentives, and other measures. Emphasis should be on the optimum rate of growth and not on some hypothetical optimum population size number. The solution based on Erich Fromm's sense of history will depend on the cultural capacity of societies for planned, rational, voluntary reaction to challenge. While governments delay, famine, disease, and anarchy will prevail, and hope for a good life for all, free from material want, will perish. Inducements to reduce family size are a major omission from the draft document.
Washington, D.C., World Bank, 1990. xvi, 97 p. (World Bank Discussion Papers 107)The interactions within and between the determinants and consequences of rapid population growth in Kenya are analyzed with a view to fostering a research agenda and proving insights for the creation of a population strategy during the next decade. Despite Kenya's long-standing concern about checking its rapid population growth, annual growth rates reach 4%. However, Kenya may be entering a new demographic phase of declining growth rates. Population pressure, through both reduced benefits and increasing costs of children to the household, may be responsible for moderate demographic change. Fertility declines with an eventually sustainable balance between population numbers and the economy and the environment depend upon factors motivating parents to desire fewer offspring. These motivating factors, in turn, depend upon the interrelations among population growth, society, economy, and population policy and programming. While the time frame for demographic transition remains elusive, population programming undertaken thus far, though failing to effect change up to now, may hold the key to future successes. Health delivery and family planning systems are already in place and will influence the pace of population growth decline during future decades. Population and economic trends, population policies and programs for the period 1965-89, research, strategy, and recommendations are discussed at length.
WASHINGTON POST. 1991 May 14; A1, A10.The Annual Report of the UN Population Fund (UNFPA) shows an increase in contraceptive usage among married couples to 51% in 1991 from 45% in the 1980s. This provides strong evidence that family planning does work. The current world population is 5.4 billion, and increases of 85 million/year and 850 million/10 years are expected. Desired family size has also declined as reported in numerous household surveys. In Latin America and Asia, birth rates have declined from an average of 6 to 3- 4/woman. Thailand, Indonesia, and South Korea have birth rates that have dropped precipitously. In Africa, which has the highest fertility rate and the lowest rate of contraceptive usage, there was only a modest decline from 6.6 in the 1960s to 6.2 currently. The declines in family size and birth rate are viewed by a demographer at UNFPA as the result of families seeing the advantages of smaller size. In spite of declines, the rate of growth is still higher than the replacement rate and is a root cause of environmental degradation and mass poverty. Rapid growth (even with fertility reduced from 6 to 4 children/women) in the presence of increased life expectancy and lower mortality means the population will not stabilize until it reaches 10.2 billion in 1085. Stabilization requires contraceptive usage of 75% worldwide. Over the next 100 years, demographers project that the ceiling will be 12.5 billion, with increases primarily in the developing world. Slow growth means widespread use of birth control (59%) in developing countries by the 2000. Contraceptive usage is unevenly distributed. China's usage is 72%, while west Africa's is 4%. The US figures are approximately 70%. There has been greater acceptance of family planning worldwide. Only Saudi Arabia, Iraq, Cambodia, and Laos actively restrict access to family planning services. UNFPA needs to increase spending on family planning to 9 billion US dollars by the year 2000 in order to increase birth control use. The US cut off support for UNFPA, but there is hope that the funding will be restored.
[A new attempt to infringe on reproductive rights] Uma nova onda para atropelar os direitos reprodutivos.
Revista Brasileira de Estudos de Populacao. 1990 Jan-Jun; 7(1):87-94.The author criticizes the agenda of some international agencies that focus on the slowing of population growth in the Third World. She asserts that treating developing countries uniformly is not appropriate to the situation in Latin America. "In this region, while some inter and intra-country variability continues to exist, growth rates show a tendency for decline. In addition, women's reproductive intentions signal a desire for fewer children. There is, therefore, room for measures in the reproductive health area within general health programs, according to the principle of respect for the reproductive rights of individuals." (SUMMARY IN ENG) (EXCERPT)
New York, New York, UNFPA, . ix, 81 p.Rapid population growth is an obstacle to Vietnam's socioeconomic development. Accordingly, the Government of Vietnam has adopted a population policy aimed at reducing the population growth rate through family planning programs encouraging increased age at 1st birth, birthspacing of 3-5 years, and a family norm of 1-2 children. TFR presently holds at 4, despite declines over the past 2 decades. Current mortality rates are also high, yet expected to continue declining in the years ahead. A resettlement policy also exists, and is aimed at reconfiguring present spatial distribution imbalances. Again, the main thrust of the population program is family planning. The government hopes to lower the annual population growth rate to under 1.8% by the year 2000. Achieving this goal will demand comprehensive population and development efforts targeted to significantly increase the contraceptive prevalence rate. Issues, steps, and recommendations for action are presented and discussed for institutional development strategy; program management and coordination and external assistance; population data collection and analysis; population dynamics and policy formulation; maternal and child health/family planning; information, education and communication; and women, population, and development. Support from UNFPA's 1992-1995 program of assistance should continue and build upon the current program. The present focus upon women, children, grass-roots, and rural areas is encouraged, while more attention is suggested to motivating men and mobilizing communities. Finally, the program is relevant and applicable at both local and national levels.
Socio-economic development and fertility decline: an application of the Easterlin synthesis approach to data from the World Fertility Survey: Colombia, Costa Rica, Sri Lanka and Tunisia.
New York, New York, United Nations, 1991. ix, 115 p. (ST/ESA/SER.R/101)The relationship between fertility decline and development is explored for Colombia, Costa Rica, Sri Lanka, and Tunisia. The study applies Richard Easterlin and Eileen Crimmins; theoretical and empirical approach to analyzing World Fertility Survey (WFS) data in a comparative context. The paper specifically questions the strengths and weaknesses of the Easterlin-Crimmins framework when applied to developing country data, and what the framework implies about comparative fertility in these countries. 3 stages in all, an analyst 1st decomposes a couple's final number of children ever born through an intermediate variables framework. Stage 2 emphasized understanding the determinants of contraceptive use, while stage 3 explains the remaining stage-1 and stage-2 variables. A model linking the supply of children, the demand for children, and the cost of contraceptive regulation results. Stage 1 results were promising, stage 2 results were less encouraging, while stage 3 revealed a theoretically incomplete approach employing empirically weak WFS data. While the Easterlin-Crimmins approach may be promising, econometric, theoretical, and data quality and collection improvements are necessary. Among stage-3 variables open to manipulation, higher socioeconomic status was associated with delayed age at 1st marriage, lower infant and child death rates, lower numbers of children desired, increased knowledge of contraception, and reduced levels of breastfeeding. Apart from regional differences, the educational and occupational roles of women in the countries studied were of primary importance in understanding differential fertility.
In: Population perspectives. Statements by world leaders. Second edition, [compiled by] United Nations Fund for Population Activities [UNFPA]. New York, New York, UNFPA, 1985. 92-3.In the 2 decades of independence, the Government of Kenya has used incomes generated for improvements in medical care, education, nutrition, and water sanitation facilities. The sum effect has been a general improvement in living standards and a significant reduction in mortality, especially infant mortality. However, a high rate of population growth and its structural and spatial implications have magnified problems in areas such as human resource development and expanded opportunities for income-generation. The current population, estimated at 19.4 million, is doubling every 18 years and expected to reach 35 million by the end of the century. Young people increasingly dominate the population's structure. Modern contraception has been adopted by only a minority of women and is applied to birth spacing rather than to limiting family size. In rural areas, Kenyan women continue to have high fertility aspirations. Even with declines in fertility, the decades ahead will see severe stresses on Kenya's health care, education, and employment sectors. The number of children served by the primary school system (ages 6-14 year olds) is expected to increase from 4 million in 1980 to 8.9 million by 2000, while the labor force (15-49 year olds) should rise from 6.8 million to 15.7 million in this period. It is only through the participation of rural and urban Kenyans in district development planning that Kenya's high fertility levels can be reduced and economic development sustained.
[Unpublished] 1987. 13,  p.Africa's colonial legacy is such that countries contain not only a multiplicity of nations and languages, but their governments operate on separate cultural and linguistic planes, remnants of colonial heritage, so that neighboring peoples often have closed borders. Another problem is poor demographic data, although some censuses, World Fertility Surveys, Demographic Sample Surveys and Contraceptive Prevalence Surveys have been done. About 470 million lived in the region in 1984, growing at 3% yearly, ranging from 1.9% in Burkina to 4.6% in Cote d'Ivoire. Unique in Africa, women are not only having 6 to 8.1 children, but they desire even larger families: Senegalese women have 6.7 children and want 8.8. This gloomy outlook is reflected in the recent history of family planning policy. Only Ghana, Kenya and Mauritius began family planning in the 1960s, and in Kenya the policy failed, since it was begun under colonial rule. 8 countries made up the African Regional Council for IPPF in 1971. At the Bucharest Population Conference in 1974, most African representatives, intellectuals and journalists held the rigid view that population was irrelevant for development. Delegates to the Kilimanjaro conference and the Second International Conference on Population, however, did espouse the importance of family planning for health and human rights. And the Inter-Parliamentary Union of Africa accepted the role of family planning in child survival and women's status. At the meeting in Mexico in 1984, 12 African nations joined the consensus of many developing countries that rapid population growth has adverse short-term implications on development. Another 11 countries allow family planning for health and human rights, and a few more accept it without stating a reason. Only 3 of 47 Sub-Saharan nations state pro-natalist policies, and none are actively against family planning.
Population and Development Review. 1982 Jun; 8(2):423-34.Since the mid-1960s, the US government has played a major role in influencing population policies worldwide through its assistance programs and through its activities on international forums discussing population matters. The 2 memoranda excerpted below represent probably the clearest and most authoritative articulation by the Executive Branch of the US government international population policy now on public record. (These memoranda were recently declassified officially since they were originally issued as confidential documents.) The 1st document reproduced is the Executive Summary of the U.S. National Security Council Memorandum (NSSM 200), issued on December 10, 1974 under the title "Implications of worldwide poulation growth for U.S. security and overseas interests." The 2nd document, a follow-up to the 1st item, is National Security Decision Memorandum 314, issued on November 26, 1975, by Brent Scowcroft, then President Gerald Ford's Assistant for National Security Affairs, to the Secretaries of State, Treasury, Defense, Agriculture, Health, Education, and Welfare, and to the Administrator of the Agency for International Development. (author's modified)
In: Proceedings of the Fourth Annual Scientific Meeting of the Sudan Fertility Control Association held at Friendship Hall, Khartoum, 23 February 1983, edited by Dr. A/Salam Gerais. [Khartoum], Sudan, Sudan Fertility Control Association, 1983. 47-8.This paper consists of narrations to accompany a slide show. The slide illustrating the I.F.F.H. concept of data collection presents an integrated approach. Another slide shows the FIGO recommended case record, which is accepted by the WHO. A family planning question arises before birth and after birth of the child, female sterilization, number of additional children wanted. The slide on birth interval behavior enables the study of current birth outcome as a function of breastfeeding, family planning and prenatal visits. The last birth interval can be studied with maternity care monitoring, breastfeeding, and the status of the last surviving infant, a key variable. Once you know how many children you have reached, you can go forward and study the next birth interval. The slide showing the model approach enables determination of the current perinatal death from knowledge of the last birth interval and loss of the last live birth. With the increase of education, breastfeeding is reduced; family planning before current conception increases, with education it doubles; prenatal care increases with education. The birth interval is prolonged in cases of breastfeeding without family planning. If family planning is used, there is a marked prolongation of the birth interval. 63% of women attending the 11 centers surveyed in Indonesia wanted additional children among those who had 3 living children postpartum. Only 38% of those with 4 children wanted additional ones. This 50% cut is known as the 50% LDC and varies according to geographic location. Using the LDC (developing countries), one can determine the proportion of women who do not want to protect themselves postpartum, and the relation of having more living children to seeking contraceptive protection.