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UNCHS - Habitat: global facilitation of human settlements efforts - United Nations Centre for Human Settlements, includes a related article announcing an April 1996 Washington, D.C. conference on Habitat II.
UN Chronicle. 1996 Spring; 33(1): p..The United Nations Centre for Human Settlements (UNCHS)--widely known as Habitat--was established in Nairobi in 1978, two years after the first Habitat Conference. It formulates and implements relevant UN programmes and serves as a think-tank within the UN system, assisting Governments in improving the development and management of human settlements. Habitat activities are based on the concept that human settlements "are the physical articulation of the social, economic and political interaction of people living in communities", states a UNCHS brochure. "Whether the communities are urban or rural, their development involves a transformation of the environment from its natural state to a built one. The elements required to meet basic human needs include housing and its related infrastructure, places of work, social services and recreation, and the institutions to produce and manage them." (excerpt)
Habitat Debate. 2005 Sep; 11(3):19.Leo Tolstoy famously wrote that all happy families are alike, but each unhappy family is unhappy in its own way. If the same can be said about dysfunctional cities, we must be prepared to deal with the unique micro-realities of each ailing community. This can only be done practically by encouraging residents to engage in a form of therapy that begins with local self-discovery. This must be a central aim in monitoring the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs). In an economically pressurized world where more than 95 percent of all development decisions are made by members of civil society, each acting more or less in their own self-interest, central coordinative systems of governance are failing. Squatters and slumlords everywhere make their choices outside the world of plans and regulations, as do an increasing number of small-scale entrepreneurs. This self-interest promotes unsustainable urban development, inhibiting a cooperative vision for the future that the complex urban ecology demands. The collective future is no-one’s baby and in effect has become an orphan. (excerpt)
Habitat Debate. 2005 Sep; 11(3):2.Each year we celebrate World Habitat Day on the first Monday in October. The theme of the event being spearheaded from Jakarta, Indonesia this year and marked in cities around the world is The Millennium Development Goals and the City. It is my intention to use this theme and World Habitat Day as an occasion to launch a new integrated slum upgrading and disaster mitigation programme in Indonesia. We chose this theme because the year 2005 marks the fifth anniversary of the Millennium Declaration in which world leaders agreed on a set of eight ambitious goals. These goals are aimed at eradicating poverty, achieving universal primary education, empowering women, reducing child mortality, improving maternal health, fighting AIDS, malaria and other diseases, ensuring environmental sustainability, and forging a new partnership for development. These goals are people-centred, timebound and measurable. They are simple but powerful objectives that every woman, man, and young person in the street from Washington to Monrovia, Jakarta to Nairobi and Oslo to Cape Town can understand. They have the political support because they mark the first time our leaders have held themselves accountable to such a covenant. (excerpt)
Habitat Debate. 2005 Sep; 11(3):4-5.Governments everywhere recognize that the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs) are essentially about people and human development. At stake are prospects for hundreds of millions of people to escape poverty, disease and illiteracy and live better lives. Also at stake is the word of world leaders and the commitment of governments and international agencies to take direct action to improve the living conditions of slum dwellers and to offer adequate solutions for the slums of tomorrow. As the UN General Assembly conducts its five-year review of the goals only 15 years remain to achieve Target 11– improving the lives of at least 100 million slum dwellers by the year 2020. What is new since governments signed up to the Millennium Declaration five years ago is that progress is tracked in every part of the world. Two clear outcomes of this process are now emerging: Firstly, the need to build a broad architecture for global monitoring and reporting, and secondly, the need to use the information gathered more strategically to support new policy formulation. (excerpt)
London, England, Earthscan Publications, 2003. xxxiv, 310 p.The Challenge of Slums: Global Report on Human Settlements 2003 is mainly concerned with the shelter conditions of the majority of the urban poor. It is about how the poor struggle to survive within urban areas, mainly through informal shelter and informal income-generation strategies, and about the inadequacy of both public and market responses to the plight of the urban poor. But the report is also about hope, about building on the foundations of the urban poor’s survival strategies and about what needs to be done by both the public and non-governmental sectors, as well as by the international community, if the goal of adequate shelter for all is to have any relevance for today’s urban youth. (except)
Health Policy and Planning. 2005; 20(1):1-13.National governments and international agencies, including programmes like the Global Alliance for Vaccines and Immunizations and the Global Fund to Fight AIDS, Tuberculosis and Malaria, have committed to scaling up health interventions and to meeting the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs), and need information on costs of scaling up these interventions. However, there has been no systematic attempt across health interventions to determine the impact of scaling up on the costs of programmes. This paper presents a systematic review of the literature on the costs of scaling up health interventions. The objectives of this review are to identify factors affecting costs as coverage increases and to describe typical cost curves for different kinds of interventions. Thirty-seven studies were found, three containing cost data from programmes that had already been scaled up. The other studies provide either quantitative cost projections or qualitative descriptions of factors affecting costs when interventions are scaled up, and are used to determine important factors to consider when scaling up. Cost curves for the scaling up of different health interventions could not be derived with the available data. This review demonstrates that the costs of scaling up an intervention are specific to both the type of intervention and its particular setting. However, the literature indicates general principles that can guide the process: (1) calculate separate unit costs for urban and rural populations; (2) identify economies and diseconomies of scale, and separate the fixed and variable components of the costs; (3) assess availability and capacity of health human resources; and (4) include administrative costs, which can constitute a significant proportion of scale-up costs in the short run. This study is limited by the scarcity of real data reported in the public domain that address costs when scaling up health interventions. As coverage of health interventions increases in the process of meeting the MDGs and other health goals, it is recommended that costs of scaling up are reported alongside the impact on health of the scaled-up interventions. (author's)
Human development report 2003. Millennium Development Goals: a compact among nations to end human poverty.
New York, New York, Oxford University Press, 2003. xv, 367 p.The central part of this Report is devoted to assessing where the greatest problems are, analysing what needs to be done to reverse these setbacks and offering concrete proposals on how to accelerate progress everywhere towards achieving all the Goals. In doing so, it provides a persuasive argument for why, even in the poorest countries, there is still hope that the Goals can be met. But though the Goals provide a new framework for development that demands results and increases accountability, they are not a programmatic instrument. The political will and good policy ideas underpinning any attempt to meet the Goals can work only if they are translated into nationally owned, nationally driven development strategies guided by sound science, good economics and transparent, accountable governance. That is why this Report also sets out a Millennium Development Compact. Building on the commitment that world leaders made at the 2002 Monterrey Conference on Financing for Development to forge a “new partnership between developed and developing countries”—a partnership aimed squarely at implementing the Millennium Declaration—the Compact provides a broad framework for how national development strategies and international support from donors, international agencies and others can be both better aligned and commensurate with the scale of the challenge of the Goals. And the Compact puts responsibilities squarely on both sides: requiring bold reforms from poor countries and obliging donor countries to step forward and support those efforts. (excerpt)
Development. 1989; (4):77-82.Contemporary multilateral loan agreements to developing nations, unlike previous project and program aid, have often been contingent upon the effective implementation of structural adjustment programs of market liberalization and macroeconomic policy redirection. These programs herald such reform as necessary steps on the road to economic growth and development. Price decontrol and policy change may also, however, generate the more immediate and undesirable effects of exacerbated urban sector bias and plummeting income and quality of life in the general population. This paper considers the resultant changes expected in the political arena, product and input pricing, small business promotion and formation, export crop production, interest rate policy reform and financial market deregulation, exchange rate and public sector expenditure, and the labor market, and their effect upon women's economic position. The author notes, however, that women are not affected uniformly by these changes and sectoral disruptions, but that some women will suffer more than others. To develop policy to effectively meet the needs of these target groups, more subpopulation specificity is required. Approaches useful in identifying vulnerable women in particular societies are explored. Once identified, these women, especially those who head poor households, should be afforded protection against the turbulence and short- to medium-term economic decline associated with adjustment.
Washington, D.C., World Bank, 1984. 36 p. (International Conference on Population, 1984; Statements)In his address to national leaders in Nairobi, Kenya, Clausen expresses his views on population growth and development. Rapid population growth slows development in the developing countries. There is a strong link between population growth rates and the rate of economic and social development. The World Bank is determined to support the struggle against poverty in developing countries. Population growth will mean lower living standards for hundreds of millions of people. Proposals for reducing population growth raise difficult questions about the proper domain of public policy. Clausen presents a historical overview of population growth in the past 2 decades, and discusses the problem of imbalance between natural resources and people, and the effect on the labor force. Rapid population growth creates urban economic and social problems that may be unmanageable. National policy is a means to combat overwhelmingly high fertility, since governments have a duty to society as a whole, both today's generation and future ones. Peoples may be having more children than they actually want because of lack of information or access to fertility control methods. Family planning is a health measure that can significantly reduce infant mortality. A combination of social development and family planning is needed to teduce fertility. Clausen briefly reviews the effect of economic and technological changes on population growth, focusing on how the Bank can support an effective combination of economic and social development with extending and improving family planning and health services. The World Bank offers its support to combat rapid population growth by helping improve understanding through its economic and sector work and through policy dialogue with member countries; by supporting developing strategies that naturally buiild demand for smaller families, especially by improving opportunities in education and income generation; and by helping supply safe, effective and affordable family planning and other basic health services focused on the poor in both urban and rural areas. In the next few years, the Bank intends at least to double its population and related health lending as part of a major effort involving donors and developing countries with a primay focus on Africa and Asia. An effective policy requires the participation of many ministeries and clear direction and support from the highest government levels.
New York, N.Y., United Nations, 1984. 85 p. (Population Studies, No. 83; ST/ESA/SER.A/83)Upon a recommendation of the Population Commission, at its 20th session in January 1979, the Secretary General of the United Nations convened an Ad Hoc Group of Experts on Demographic Projections from 16 to 19 November 1981 at the UN Headquarters to discuss the methodology used for demographic projections and to consider the relationship of demographic projections to development change and population policies. The expert Group was also requested to provide guidelines and make recommendations to the Secretary-General on how to incorporate demographic changes into the methodology to be used for the next round of world population projections to be prepared by the UN Population Division in collaboration with the regional commissions. The papers prepared by members of the Expert Group as well as those prepared by the Population Division are reproduced in this publication. The recommendations of the Expert Group and a summary of the papers and discussion are also included. The topics addressed in this publication are: 1) problems in making population projections; 2) integration of socioeconomic factors in population projections; 3) population projections as an aid to the formulation and implementation of population policies; 4) current projection assumptions for the United Nations demographic projections; 5) expectations and progressive analysis in fertility prediction; 6) use of the intermediate factors in fertility projections; 7) family planning and population projections; 8) progress of work on a fertility simulation model for population projections at the UN Secretariat; 9) mortality trends and prospects in developing countries: some "best data" indications; 10) the urban and city population projections of the UN: data, definitions and methods; 11) a critical assessment of urban-rural projections with special reference to UN methods; and 12) projections in Europe: some problems.
In: D'Souza AA, de Souza A, ed. Population growth and human development. New Delhi, India, Indian Social Institute, 1974. 17-26.Although demographic statistics are grossly inadequate, a fairly convincing panorama of the population situation and trends has been prepared by demographers based on fragmentary information, coupled with assumptions and tested against collateral information. Population study reveals a 1st stage early in the recent historic perspective during which fertility and mortality rates were very high and the corresponding rates of natural growth were low. The 2nd stage of the transition begins with a decline in the death rates while fertility rates remained at high levels, and even increases, population growth accelerates during this period. This stage is characterized by rapid urbanization provoked by displacement of population from rural areas to urban centers. Fertility rates begin to decrease at a later period, in some cases more than 20 years after the decline of death rates--tending to level off with death rates at low levels. In this stage, population growth is near zero and has in some cases decreased. The entire transition may take at least 50 years. The key question is how to determine the crucial character of the interactions between population and the critical problems of our society: poverty; underdevelopment; gaps of income between and within countries; food; and environment. In 3 symposia at Cairo, Honolulu, and Stockholm, it was concluded that there were 3 schools of thought. 1 considered rapid population growth as a major cause of structural rigidities of the less developed economies, and therefore reduction of population growth as a 1st priority for improvement of living standards. Another, putting its faith in technological innovation, considered that the way to development was by socioeconomic changes rather than demographic paths of action. The 3rd considered the demograpic approach as one of many leading to the attainment of economic and social progress. The consensus was that there are limits to the growth of population both in the short-term and in the long-term. A World Population Conference held in Bucharest, Rumania in 1974 addressed the issues of recent population trends; relations between population change and economic and social development; relations between population, resources, and environment; and population, family, and well being.
Report of the Expert Group Meeting on Fertility and Mortality Levels, Patterns and Trends in Africa and their Policy Implications.
In: United Nations Economic Commission for Africa [UNECA]. Population dynamics: fertility and mortality in Africa. Addis Ababa, Ethiopia, UNECA, 1981 May. 1-31. (ST/ECA/SER.A/1; UNFPA PROJ. No. RAF/78/P17)The Expert Group Meeting on Fertility and Mortality Levels, Patterns and Trends in Africa, held in Monrovia late in 1976, examined the various aspects of the interrelationships of fertility and mortality to development process and planning in Africa. Focus in this report of the Expert Group Meeting is on the following: background to fertility and mortality in Africa; usefulness and relevance of existing methodology for collecting and processing and for analyzing fertility and mortality data; fertility and mortality levels and patterns in Africa -- regional studies and country studies; fertility trends and differentials in Africa; mortality trends and differentials; biological and socio-cultural aspects of infertility and sterility; the significance of breast feeding for fertility and mortality; nutrition, disease and mortality in young children; evolution of causes of death and the use of related statistics in mortality studies in Africa; and fertility and mortality in national development. It was suggested that a strategy for development with equity must direct itself, among other things, to the issue of how to monitor progress in the elimination of underdevelopment, poverty, malnutrition, poor health, bad housing, poor education and employment through the use of indicators which measured changes in those variables at the national and local levels. In order to achieve development with equity, it was obvious that demographers and policymakers should ensure that there was regular monitoring of socioeconomic differentials in mortality and morbidity rates since such differentials essentially measured inequality in a society. The following were included among the recommendations made: recognizing that fertility and mortality data for a majority of African countries are now 20 years out of date, efforts should be directed toward collecting and analyzing fertility and mortality data by the use of both direct and indirect methods; and international and national organizations should support country efforts to improve the supply of data and analytical work on census and other existing data.
In: Hauser PM, ed. World population and development: challenges and prospects. Syracuse, New York, Syracuse University Press, 1979. 440-85.Although there is a growing awareness of the relationship between the status of women, fertility patterns, and economic development many programs and research endeavors in the population field are still based on mistaken assumptions and culturally biased views about the role of women and its significance. Women must be able to exert control over their own lives if family population programs are to meet with success. In economically and politically male dominated societies women cannot obtain this control. In most developing countries women are employed in low status agricultural and domestic service work or are engaged in small trading operations. Programs which seek to reduce family size by simply increasing wormen's work force participation in these employment areas will not be effective. These work roles are not incompatible with child rearing and the increased income may actually increase fertility. To expect the negative relationship between increased labor force participation and lower fertility, which characterizes the industrial countries, to hold under these conditions, is ethnocentrically naive. It should also be recognized that the status and role of women varies from society to society depending on the level of economic development and the religious, political, and cultural traditions of the society. For example, it should not automatically be assumed that the decision to have a child is made mutually by a husband and wife when the couple resides in an extended family. The attitude of relatives as well as the availability of child raising assistance will enter into the decision making process. Many hypothesized relationships in the population field fail to take into consideration differences such as these. Some of these biases can be ameliorated by permitting women to play a more active role in formulating programs aimed at serving them. Tables based on information from many countries show crude birth rates, education levels, and political positions of women according to the % of service workers in the population, and according to the type of society. Other tables show the work status of women according to the % of construction and industry workers and the % of service workers in the population and according to the type of society.
Finance and Development. 1982 Jun; 19(2):16-9.During the 1970s it was World Bank policy to use its funds to raise the productivity and living standards of the poor. It has increased its lending for sector and subsectors considered to offer the most direct benefits to the poor such as rural development, population, health, and nutrition. Projects with particular emphasis on poverty have benefitted large numbers of poor people and have had good economic rates of return. Lending for rural projects increased in the 1970s from US$2.6 billion in 1969-73 to over US$13 billion in 1978-81; rural development projects audited in 1979 benfitted 660 small farmers for every US$1 million loaned compared with 47 farmers/US$1 million in other agricultural projects. Some problems are: 1) low-risk technical packages appropriate for poor farmers in semi-arid rainfed areas are not readily available; 2) the Bank's rural development strategy seeks mainly to raise the production of small farms, but other aspects need to be emphasized; 3) domestic pricing and postharvest policies often undermine the success of projects aimed at the rural poor; and 4) success in rural development often rests on sociological and cultural factors, difficult areas that deserve more attention. For urban areas the Bank has strongly endorsed providing "sites and sources" instead of structures; since 1972, 52 Bank projects centered on urban shelter involving US$1.6 billion have been undertaken. Cost recovery is established at 66-95%. About 5% of Bank lending is for education and despite the importance of population, health, and nutrition, these areas absorb less than 1% of the Bank's total lending program. Only US$400 million in population loans were made to 13 countries in the 1970s and only recently have separate health projects been started. Emphasis for the 1980s must be on rural development, urban shelter, primary education, health, education, and population.
Chichester, England, John Wiley, 1982. 317 p.This textbook provides basic information on social policies aimes at improving the welfare of the populations in developing countried and assessing the effectiveness of the major social policies which have been applied to the problems of poverty in these countried. The book is an outgrowth of experience gained in teaching a course in social policy and planning at London School of Economics. The focus is on social policied rather than on social planning techniques, and the central theme is that state intervention and the implementation of social policies are a necessary prerequisite for improving the welfare of the inhabitants of 3rd World countried. The chapter defines underdevelopment. It stresses the need for governments to develop social policies in accordance with their needs and resources and to develop policies which will redistribute resources to the most seriously disadvantaged segments of their population. The 2nd chapter defines poverty, describes the basic inequalities in living standards and income which exist in 3rd World countries, and discuss the major theories which have been put forward to explain poverty. The next 5 chapters discuss the problems of population growth, rural and urban development, health, and housing. The various policied which have been formulated to deal with each of these problems are described and compared in regard to their effectiveness. The next chapter discusses social work and the problems associated with the development of social welfare services in developing countries. The final chapter deals with international issues and assesses. The value of bilateral and multilateral aid. Major assumptions underlying the presentation of the material are 1)poverty impedes development, 2)poverty will not disappear without government intervention, 3)economic development by itself cannot reduce poverty, 4)poverty is the result of social factors rather than the result of inadequacies on the part of poor indiciduals, 5)socialpolicies and programs formulated to deal with problems in the developed countries are inappropriate for application in developing countries; 6)social policies must reflect the needs of each country; and 7)social planning should be an interdisciplinary endeavor and should utilize knowledge derived from all the social sciences.
Technical co-operation in population programmes in Africa since the 1974 World Population Conference.
[Unpublished] 1983 Sep. 16. 5 p. (E/ECA/POP/7 International Conference on Population, 1984; Papers)This paper reviews the technical assistance provided to African countries since the 1974 World Population Conference in Bucharest, Romania by the United Nations Department of Technical Cooperation for Development (DTCD) in the fields of demographic training, data evaluation and analysis, and incorporation of population factors in development planning. The paper focuses on the substantive aspects of the technical cooperation provided to African countries in these areas from 1974 to 1983. The cooperation was provided essentially in response to the expressed needs and requests of member states for developing their national capabilities to undertake data analysis and evaluation and to use the results to formulate appropriate population policies and implement them as part of national development programs. The ultimate goal is to improve national capacities in these fields so that countries may achieve self reliance in handling their population programs. Almost without exception, the United Nations Fund for Population Activities (UNFPA) has been the source of funding for DTCD executed population projects. In the area of demographic training, the training needs, especially from the priority countries in Africa, have yet to be fully met and in all countries there still remains the need for short term training in special demographic expertise and an exchange of interregional experiences. In the area of demographic evaluation and analysis, greater support is required for evaluation and analysis of relevant demographic phenomena, e.g. internal and international migration and the utilization of demographic software packages. Technical cooperation is needed in the areas of population and development so that emerging phenomena (e.g. population growth, especially in urban areas) can be dealt with by evolving suitable population policies and implanting these within overall national development plans. The world financial crisis has hindered the increasing trend in technical cooperation in demographic training, analysis and overall population policies and it is hoped that this situation will improve.