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Human development report 2003. Millennium Development Goals: a compact among nations to end human poverty.
New York, New York, Oxford University Press, 2003. xv, 367 p.The central part of this Report is devoted to assessing where the greatest problems are, analysing what needs to be done to reverse these setbacks and offering concrete proposals on how to accelerate progress everywhere towards achieving all the Goals. In doing so, it provides a persuasive argument for why, even in the poorest countries, there is still hope that the Goals can be met. But though the Goals provide a new framework for development that demands results and increases accountability, they are not a programmatic instrument. The political will and good policy ideas underpinning any attempt to meet the Goals can work only if they are translated into nationally owned, nationally driven development strategies guided by sound science, good economics and transparent, accountable governance. That is why this Report also sets out a Millennium Development Compact. Building on the commitment that world leaders made at the 2002 Monterrey Conference on Financing for Development to forge a “new partnership between developed and developing countries”—a partnership aimed squarely at implementing the Millennium Declaration—the Compact provides a broad framework for how national development strategies and international support from donors, international agencies and others can be both better aligned and commensurate with the scale of the challenge of the Goals. And the Compact puts responsibilities squarely on both sides: requiring bold reforms from poor countries and obliging donor countries to step forward and support those efforts. (excerpt)
Tanzanian Journal of Population Studies and Development. 1996; 3(1-2):1-14.In the space of two and a half decades, documentation of African rural women's work lives has moved from state of dearth to plethora. Awareness of women's arduous workday, and the importance of women agriculturists to national economies are now commonplace among African policy-makers and western donor agencies. Throughout the dramatic upheaval in African development policy of recent years, as state and market forces realign, donor agencies have consistently espoused a concern to improve the material conditions and status of rural women's working day throughout sub-Saharan Africa overwhelm donor's scattered projects directed at alleviating women's workload. The central question posed is how external donor agencies can extend beyond localized project efforts to help provide the material foundation for widespread change in women's working day of a self-determining nature. Still local in scale and last on the agenda, will measures to address women's work be elevated to a more central position in international development program efforts in sub-Saharan Africa? (author's)
Grass roots, herbs, promoters and preventions: a reevaluation of contemporary international health care planning. The Bolivian case.
Social Science and Medicine. 1983; 17(17):1281-9.In evaluating a United States Agency for International Development (USAID) project in Bolivia, the author argues that the program unwittingly contributed to the situation that created Bolivia's political problems. A 5-year pilot project which covered 39 villages and colonies in the Montero district in the state of Santa Cruz began in 1975 and was completed in 1980. In 1980 the project was "deobligated" when all but essential economic aid to Bolivia was halted following a political coup. The pilot project was based on 1) community participation through health care; 2) a referral system from health post of the promotor to the center with an auxiliary nurse midwife, to secondary and tertiary care in hospitals by physicians; 3) an emphasis on preventive medicine; and 4) the use of traditional medicine along with other therapy by the promotor. Although these concepts sound appropriate, they are in fact derived from contemporary thought in advanced industrial societies. The assumptions about social reality that are inherent in these plans actually misconstrue Bolivian society. The unintended consequences of the project actually diminish rural health care. A difference between the Western health planner's conception and the Bolivian conception--of community, of effective referral systems, of preventive and indigenous medicines--can have the effect of producing a health care program that has little resemblance to what was originally intended. The Bolivian elite actually manipulated the USAID health care programs through hegemony in the villages. The Jeffersonian concept of community is not applicable in Bolivia where resources are only exchanged through personal contacts. In villages of multiple class or ethnic groups or both or in villages with close ties or histories of ties with larger, more cosmopolitan groups, multiple different interests exist. These work against each other to prevent the very cooperation envisioned by the health care programs. The author suggests that developed countries should consider native ideologies, native social relations, and indigenous medicine more sensitively in design.
Populi. 1983; 10(1):13-35.Levels and trends of fertility throughout the world during the 1970s are assessed in an effort to show how certain factors, modifications of which are directly or indirectly specified in the World Population Plan of Action as development goals, affected fertility and conditions of the family during the past decade. The demographic factors considered include age structure, marriage age, marital status, types of marital unions, and infant and early childhood mortality. The social, economic, and other factors include rural-urban residence, women's work, familial roles and family structure, social development, and health and contraceptive practice. Recent data indicate that the rate at which children are born into the world as a whole has continued its slow decline. During 1975-80 there were, on the average, 29 live births/1000 population at mid year. During the preceding 5-year period, there occurred annually about 32 live births/1000 population. This change represents a decline of 3 births/1000 population worldwide and approximately 14 million fewer births over a period of 5 years. This change in the global picture largely reflects the precipitous downward course that appears to have characterized China's crude birthrate. There are marked differences in fertility levels between developing and developed regions. In developing countries, births occurred on the average at the rate of 33/1000 population during 1975-80, compared with only about 16/1000 in the developed nations. Levels of the crude birthrate varied even more among individual countries. The changes in levels and trends of fertility may be attributed to many of the factors noted in the Plan of Action as requiring national and international efforts at improvement. The populations of the less developed and more developed regions as a whole aged somewhat during the decade of the 1970s. In both regions, the number of women in the reproductive ages increased relative to the size of the total population, but the change was more marked in the less developed regions. Recommendations in the Plan of Action as to establishment of an appropriate minimum age at 1st marriage subsume existence of too low an age at 1st marriage mainly in certain developing countries. The Plan of Action calls for the reduction of infant mortality as a goal in itself using a variety of means. Achievement of this goal might also affect fertility. Recent findings concerning the influence of social, economic, and other factors upon fertility levels and change are summarized, with focus on topics highlighted in the World Population Plan of Action.