Your search found 10 Results
Bulletin of the World Health Organization. 2007 Mar; 85(3):192-199.International health policy-makers now have a variety of institutional instruments with which to pursue their global and national health goals. These instruments range from the established formal multilateral organizations of the United Nations to the newer restricted-membership institutions of the Group of Eight (G8). To decide where best to deploy scarce resources, we must systematically examine the G8's contributions to global health governance. This assessment explores the contributions made by multilateral institutions such as the World Health Organization, and whether Member States comply with their commitments. We assessed whether G8 health governance assists its member governments in managing domestic politics and policy, in defining dominant normative directions, in developing and complying with collective commitments and in developing new G8-centred institutions. We found that the G8's performance improved substantially during the past decade. The G8 Member States function equally well, and each is able to combat diseases. Compliance varied among G8 Member States with respect to their health commitments, and there is scope for improvement. G8 leaders should better define their health commitments and set a one-year deadline for their delivery. In addition, Member States must seek WHO's support and set up an institution for G8 health ministers. (author's)
New York, New York, UNFPA, 2002. x, 103 p.Financial Resource Flows for Population Activities in 2000 is the fourteenth edition of a report previously published by UNFPA under the title of Global Population Assistance Report. The United Nations Population Fund has regularly collected data and reported on flows of international financial assistance to population activities. The Fund’s annual Reports focused on the flow of funds from donors through bilateral, multilateral and non-governmental channels for population assistance to developing countries1 and countries with economies in transition. Also included were grants and loans from development banks for population activities in developing countries. (excerpt)
Journal of Adolescent Health. 2003 Oct; 33(4):240-251.The contemporary health problems of young people occur within the context of the physical, social, cultural, economic, and political realities within which they live. There are commonalities and differences in this context among developed and developing countries, thus differing effects on the individual’s personal as well as national development. Internationally, the origins and evolution of health care for adolescents can be viewed as an unfolding saga taking place particularly over the past 30 years. It is a story of advocacy and subsequent achievement in all corners of the world. This paper reviews the important developments in the international arena, recognizes major pioneers and milestones, and explores some of the current and future issues facing the field. The authors draw heavily on their experiences with the major nongovernmental adolescent health organizations. The special roles of the World Health Organization, Pan American Health Organization, and United Nations Children’s Fund (UNICEF) are highlighted, and special consideration is given to the challenge of inclusion through youth participation. (author's)
New York, New York, Population Council, Center for Poplicy Studies, 1985 Aug. 42 p. (Center for Policy Studies Working Papers No. 113)This analysis of family planning program funding suggests that current funding levels may be inadequate to meet projected contraceptive and demographic goals. Expenditures on organized family planning in less developed countries (excluding China) totaled about US$1 billion in 1982--about $2/year/married woman of reproductive age. Cross-sectional analysis indicates that foreign support as a proportion of total expenditures decreases with program duration. Donor support to family planning in less developed countries has generally declined from levels in the late 1970s. This is attributable both to positive factors such as program success and increased domestic government support as well as requirements for better management of funds and the worldwide economic recession. Foreign assistance seems to have a catalytic effect on contraceptive use only when the absorptive capacity of family planning programs--their ability to make productive use of resources--is favorable. The lower the stage of economic development, the less visible is the impact of contraceptive use or fertility per investment dollar. On the other hand, resources that do not immediately yield returns in contraceptive use may be laying the foundation for later gains, making increased funding of family planning programs an economically justifiable investment. The World Bank has estimated that an additional US$1 billion in public spending would be required to fulfill the unmet need for contraception. To increase the contraceptive prevalence rate in developing countries to 58% (to achieve a total fertility rate of 3.3 children) in the year 2000 would require a public expenditure on population programs of US$5.6 billion, or an increase in real terms of 5%/year. Improved donor-host relations and coordination are important requirements for enhancing absorptive capacity and program performance. A growing willingness on the part of donors to allow countries to specify and run population projects has been noted.
Washington, D.C., PAHO, Pan American Sanitary Bureau/Regional Office of the World Health Organization, 1985. xix, 265 p. (Official Document No. 201)Efforts to meet the goal of health for all by the year 2000 have been hampered by the internal and external problems faced by many countries of the Americas. The pressures of external debt have been accompanied by a reduction in the resources allocated to social sector programs, including health programs. In addition, the conflict in Central America has constrained solutions to subregional problems. The health sector suffers from uncoordinated services, lack of trained personnel, and waste. Thus 30-40% of the population do not have access to basic health services. In 1984, the governments in the region, together with the Pan American Health Organization (PAHO), undertook projects in 5 action areas: new approaches and technology, development, intra- and intersectoral linkages, joint activities by groups of countries, mobilization of national resources and external financing, and preparation of PAHO to meet the needs of these processes. New approaches include the expansion of epidemiological capabilities and practices, the use of low-cost infant survival strategies, the improvement of rural water supplies, and the development of domestic technology. Interorganizational linkages are aimed at eliminating duplication and filling in gaps. Ministers of health and directors of social security programs are working together to rationalize the health sector and extend coverage of services. Similarly, countries have grouped to deal with common problems and offer coordinated solutions. The mobilization of national resources involves shifting resources into the health field and increasing their efficiency and effectiveness by setting priorities. External resources are recommended if they supplement national efforts and are short-term in nature. In order to enhance these strategies, PAHO has increased the managerial and operating capacity of its central and field offices. This has required consolidating programs, retraining staff, and instituting information systems to monitor activities and budgets. The report summarizes health indicators and activities by country, for all nations under PAHO.
Population and Development Review. 1984 Mar; 10(1):103-26.This paper presents some of the results of projections prepared by the World Bank in 1983 for all the world's countries. The projections (presented against a background of recent demographic trends as estimated by the United Nations) trace the approach of each individual country to a stationary state. Implications of the underlying fertility and mortality assumptions are shown mainly in terms of time trends of total population to the year 2100, annual rates of growth, and absolute annual increments. These indices are shown for the largest individual countries, for world regions, and for country groupings according to economic criteria. The detailed predictive performance of such projections is likely to be poor but the projections indicate orders of magnitude characterizing certain aggregate demographic phenomena whose occurrence is highly probable and set clearly interpretable reference points useful in discussing contemporary issues of policy. (author's)
Ann Arbor, Michigan, University Microfilms International, 1984.  p.One form of international authority proposed by David Mitrany was that of an advisory and coordinating one where both the performance of a task and the means for its accomplishment remain mainly under national control. Mitrany's theoretical framework and its organizational analogue within the UN and national political arenas account for the emergence of a new UN population policy to cope with the rapid global population growth between 1960 and 1974. The most prestigious outcome of this policy was the United Nations Fund for Population Activities (UNFPA), whose centralized contributions came primarily from the US, Japanese, Swedish, and some other west European governments. Its aim is to assist governments in the development of national family planning programs and in related demographic and family planning training and research programs. UNFPA grants went to UN-system agencies, governments, and private organizations. Recipients include India, Pakistan, Egypt, Malaysia, Kenya, Nigeria and Mexico. A mew ideology emerged to support the concept of an interventionist policy to lower the birth rate. That ideology include the responsibility of each government for its own population; an emphasis on social framework for parental choices about family size; and a legitimate role for international assistance. How the UNFPA came into existence is a political process involving government delegations and officials, UN Secretarist staff, and representatives of selected religious and population transnational organizations. It is also a Laswellian social process model of 7 decision-outcomes marking the significant population events and interactions underlying the creation of UNFPA. 6 UN resolutions and 2 decisions by the Secretary-General denominate these decision outcomes. 2 analytic approaches account for these decision outcomes--the Parsonian concept of organized levels (institutional, managerial, and technical) in conjunction with the Laswellian concepts of centralization/decentralization and concentration/decontration, and the concept of coalitions, (legislative and programming). This expanded UN population policy process reveals the interconnectedness of elites and groups in a global network centered at UFPA. (author's modified)
Report on developments and activities related to population information during the decade since the convening of the World Population Conference, Bucharest, 1974.
New York, United Nations, 1984 Jun. vi, 52 p. (POPIN Bulletin No. 5 ISEA/POPIN/5)A summary of developments in the population information field during the decade 1974-84 is presented. Progress has been made in improving population services that are available to world users. "Population Index" and direct access to computerized on-line services and POPLINE printouts are available in the US and 13 other countries through a cooperating network of institutions. POPLINE services are also available free of charge to requestors from developing countries. Regional Bibliographic efforts are DOCPAL for Latin America. PIDSA for Africa, ADOPT and EBIS/PROFILE. Much of the funding and support for population information activities comes from 4 major sources: 1) UN Fund for Population Activities (UNFPA): 2) US Agency for International Development (USAID); 3) International Development Research Centre (IRDC): and 4) the Government of Australia. There are important philosophical distinctions in the support provided by these sources. Duplication of effort is to be avoided. Many agencies need to develop an institutional memory. They are creating computerized data bases on funded projects. The creation of these data bases is a major priority for regional population information services that serve developing countries. Costs of developing these information services are prohibitive; however, it is important to see them in their proper perspective. Many governments are reluctant to commit funds for these activites. Common standards should be adopted for population information. Knowledge and use of available services should be increased. The importance os back-up services is apparent. Hard-copy reproductions of items in data bases should be included. This report is primarily descriptive rather than evaluative. However, given the increase in population distribution and changes in government attitudes over the importance of population matters, the main tasks for the next decade should be to build on these foundations; to insure effective and efficient use of services; to share experience and knowledge through POPIN and other networks; and to demonstrate to governments the valuable role of information programs in developing national population programs.
In: United Nations. Department of International Economic and Social Affairs. Population projections: methodology of the United Nations. New York, N.Y., United Nations, 1984. 25-32. (Population Studies, No. 83; ST/ESA/SER.A/83)The United Nations population projection assumptions are statements of expected trends in fertility, mortality and migration in the world. In every assessment, each of the 3 demographic components is unambiguously specified at the national level for each of the 5-year periods during the population interval (1950-2025). The approach used by the UN in preparing its projections is briefly summarized. At the general level, the analyst relies on available information of past events and current demographic levels and differentials, the demographic trends and experiences of similar countries in the region and his or her informed interpretations of what is likely to occur in the future. One common feature of the UN population projections that guides the analyst in preparing the assumptions is the general conceptual scheme of the demographic transition, or the socio-economic threshold hypothesis of fertility decline. As can be observed from the projected demographic trends reported in this paper, population stabilization at low levels of fertility, mortality and migration is the expected future for each country, with the only important differences being the timing of the stabilization. Irrespective of whether the country is developed, with very low fertility (for example, the Federal Republic of Germany or Japan), or developing with high fertility (such as, Bangladesh or the Syrian Arab Republic), it is assumed that fertility will arrive at replacement levels in the not too distant future. Serious alternative theories or hypotheses of population change, such as declining population size, are not only very few in number, but they tend to be somewhat more unacceptable and inconvenient to the demographic analyst as well as being considerably less palatable to goverments.
Role of the pharmaceutical industry of the developing countries in research on fertility regulation.
In: Diczfalusy E, Diczfalusy A, ed. Research on the regulation of human fertility: needs of developing countries and priorities for the future, Vol. 2. Background documents. Copenhagen, Denmark, Scriptor, 1983. 975-86.The pharmaceutical industry of the developing countries is at present not equipped for and unlikely to contribute much to the discovery and development of new fertility regulating agents, but could play an effective role in process development, and in the organization of clinical trials. In view of the crucial role of the pharmaceutical industry to bring the research effort on a new contraceptive to fruition, and because of the waning interest of the industries of the developed countries in this field, the pharmaceutical companies of the developing countries should be encouraged to get involved in research by special incentives from their national governments, such as tax exemption for investment made for inhouse research of for sponsored research. The subsidiaries of multinational corporations, which dominate the pharmaceutical industry in the developing world, must establish research centers in these countries with efforts focussed on local priority health problems, such as contraceptive development; such research conducted in some of the developing countries would be more cost effective. It would be necessary to establish government or public sector research institutes to supplement the research facilities of the private industries, particularly for animal toxicology studies; these institutions could even serve as regional centers, supported by international agencies, since some of the smaller countries may not be able to develop their own centers. The collaboration between industrial, academic and public secotr institutions should be encouraged and formalized to establish partnership in research on contraceptive development; the exact mode and form would depend upon the scientific and technical institutional structure and industrial development status of each country. (author's modified)