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Population Policy in Sub-Saharan Africa: A Case of Both Normative and Coercive Ties to the World Polity.
Population Research and Policy Review. 2014 Jun 15;During the 1980s and 1990s, two-thirds of sub-Saharan African countries adopted national population policies to reduce population growth. Based on multivariate statistical analysis, I show that countries with more ties to the world polity were more likely to adopt population policies. In order to refine world polity theory, however, I distinguish between normative and coercive ties to the world polity. I show that ties to the world polity via international nongovernmental organizations became predictive of population policy adoption only after the 1994 United Nations International Conference on Population and Development institutionalized reproductive health as a global norm to which countries could show adherence through population policies. Ties to the World Bank in the form of indebtedness, presumed to be coercive, were associated with population policy adoption throughout the time period observed. Gross domestic product per capita, democracy, and religion also all predicted population policy adoption. The case of population policy adoption in sub-Saharan Africa thus demonstrates that ties to organizations likely to exert normative pressure are most influential when something about international norms is at stake, while ties to organizations with coercive capacity matter regardless of time, but may be easier for wealthier countries to resist.
Multilateral, regional, and national determinants of policy adoption: the case of HIV/AIDS legislative action.
International Journal of Public Health. 2013 Apr; 58(2):285-93.OBJECTIVES: This article examines the global legislative response to the HIV/AIDS epidemic with a particular focus on how policies were diffused internationally or regionally, or facilitated internally. METHODS: This article uses event history analysis combined with multinomial logit regression to model the legislative response of 133 countries. RESULTS: First, the results demonstrate that the WHO positively influenced the likelihood of a legislative response. Second, the article demonstrates that development bank aid helped to spur earlier legislative action. Third, the results demonstrate that developed countries acted earlier than developing countries. And finally, the onset and severity of the HIV/AIDS epidemic was a significant influence on the legislative response. CONCLUSION: Multilateral organizations have a positive influence in global policy diffusion through informational advocacy, technical assistance, and financial aid. It is also clear that internal stressors play key roles in legislative action seen clearly through earlier action being taken in countries where the shock of the onset of HIV/AIDS occurred earlier and earlier responses taken where the epidemic was more severe.
[Washington, D.C.], Center for Global Development, 2013 Aug.  p. (Center for Global Development Essay)In 2000, the UN General Assembly endorsed the Millennium Declaration, a statement that provided the source and inspiration for the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs). The effects of the declaration -- and the MDGs - -are difficult to measure, but it certainly framed important global discussions about development. In 2015, the UN’s world leaders will likely agree to a new set of goals to follow the Millennium Declaration. In this essay, Charles Kenny proposes that -- instead of getting bogged down hammering out details of how to measure progress -- the UN craft a new consensus statement to replace the Millennium Declaration. Kenny proposes such a statement in the pages that follow and provides commentary in the margins.
Bulletin of the World Health Organization. 2007 Aug; 85(8):631-636.Following the destruction of Cambodia's health infrastructure during the Khmer Rouge period (1975-1979) and the subsequent decade of United Nations sanctions, international development assistance has focused on reconstructing the country's health system. The recognition of Cambodia's heavy burden of tuberculosis (TB) and the lapse of TB control strategies during the transition to democracy prompted the national tuberculosis programme's relaunch in the mid-1990s as WHO-backed health sector reforms were introduced. This paper examines the conflicts that arose between health reforms and TB control programmes due to their different operating paradigms. It also discusses how these tensions were resolved during introduction of the DOTS strategy for TB treatment. (author's)
London, England, Overseas Development Institute, 2006 Aug.  p. (ODI Briefing Paper No. 9)Without greater mutual accountability among all stakeholders, lack of harmonisation will continue to cost lives. The international community reiterated its commitment to Universal Access to HIV/AIDS prevention, treatment, care and support at the UN High Level Meeting on HIV/AIDS in May-June 2006. But without hastening the application of the 'Three Ones' principles to guide the national AIDS response, we face a collective failure to realise the Universal Access commitment. The 'Three Ones' principles address the prevailing dysfunctions in coordinating national HIV/AIDS responses. These dysfunctions often include weak national plans as well as the proliferation of strategies, coordination arrangements, financial management systems, monitoring and evaluation criteria and procedures, and aid modalities established by donors. The national AIDS response has too often been characterised by confusion, duplication, gaps, distorted priorities, high transaction costs, poor value-for-money and lower than optimal results. (excerpt)
UN Chronicle. 1990 Dec; 27(4): p..A new Programme of Action aimed at advancing the world's poorest countries offers a "menu approach" for donors to increase their official aid to the least developed countries (LDCs), stressing bilateral assistance in the form of grants or highly concessional loans and calling on donors to help reduce LDC debt. The Programme was adopted by consensus at the conclusion of the Second United Nations Conference on the LDCs (Paris, 3- 14 September). The UN recognizes more than 40 developing countries as "least developed". Although individual nation's indicators vary, in general LDCs have a per capita gross domestic product (GDP) of approximately $200 a year, a low life expectancy, literacy rates under 20 per cent and a low contribution of manufacturing industries to GDP. Reflecting the emergence during the 1980s of new priorities in development strategy, the Programme of Action for the LDCs for the 1990s differs from the Action Programme adopted at the first UN Conference on LDCs held in 1981 in Paris. The new Programme emphasizes respect for human rights, the need for democratization and privatization, the potential role of women in development and the new regard for population policy as a fundamental factor in promoting development. Greater recognition of the role of non-governmental organizations in LDC development is also emphasized. (excerpt)
UN Chronicle. 1993 Mar; 30(1): p..The growing economic divide between North and South may well be reflected in the upcoming World Conference on Human Rights, as many developing and industrialized countries define their human rights concerns in sharply different terms. One basic difference over how much emphasis to place on the "right to development" may set the tone for a pointed debate at the Vienna conference. Many developing countries contend that political and civil rights cannot be separated from or be given priority over economic, social and cultural rights. Increasingly, they have asserted that development is an essential human right and objected to what many see as the industrial countries' narrow view of human rights as solely involving political and civil liberties. Indeed, in their view, economic development and an adequate living standard are preconditions of expanded political and civil rights. Further, the "collective rights" of people, some argue, may take precedence over certain rights of individuals. (excerpt)
In: Women and civil war. Impact, organizations, and action, edited by Krishna Kumar. Boulder, Colorado, Lynne Rienner Publishers, 2001. 165-181.This chapter examines women's organizations in post-conflict Bosnia and Herzegovina. It describes their emergence, activities, and programs and the changes in their activities over time. It then assesses the impact of these organizations in addressing gender issues associated with the conflict. Finally, it discusses the nature of assistance provided to them by the international community and the areas of tension between them. The chapter is based largely on the information obtained during interviews conducted by the author with the leaders and staff of women's organizations, staffs of international organizations, representatives of the donor agencies that support women's organizations, and a cross section of Bosnian women. Five organizations were selected as case studies to illustrate different activities and the types of development and expansion that have taken place in the past few years. (excerpt)
Foreign aid, democratisation and civil society in Africa: a study of South Africa, Ghana and Uganda.
Brighton, England, University of Sussex, Institute of Development Studies [IDS], . 28 p. (Discussion Paper No. 368)The 1990s have seen increased interest on the part of Western governments in funding civil society in Africa in an attempt to promote the continent's democratisation process. This discussion paper examines how a range of foreign donors has developed civil society initiatives in Ghana, Uganda and South Africa. All three countries form part of the new generation of African states that are seen as turning their back on decades of authoritarian rule, instead embracing open government and open economies in productive 'partnerships' with the West. After defining what donors mean by 'civil society', this discussion paper is divided into two main sections. The first section identifies who the major foreign donors to civil society are in Ghana, Uganda and South Africa. It examines the relative importance and differences in approach of the United States, Germany, the World Bank and the Like-minded Group of donors (the Nordic countries, the Netherlands and Canada). The second major section discusses the broad objectives of donors in African countries. The study found that civil society organisations committed to the promotion of liberal democracy and economic liberalism are the most popular with donors. The paper concludes that although assistance to civil society is relatively small, and is directed at a very particular section of civil society, in each of these societies it funds some of the key actors involved in influencing economic policy and defining the content of democracy. (author's)
Round Table. 2000 Oct; 357:577-583.Gender equality is central to democracy and to the wellbeing and future prosperity of societies. Yet three decades after a new understanding of development began to emerge and a way of integrating women into the development process was sought, gender equality still has not been realized. There has been considerable progress for women, who account for over 50 per cent of the world's population, yet much more still has to be achieved. Traditional perceptions of the rôles of women and men in society must be rethought and men's stake in gender equality understood. This involves the reorganization of the basic institutions of society-the market, Government and the family. Also, the media, which helps define what we think and what our place is in society, have a crucial rôle to play in changing people's perceptions and stereotyped views of the rôles of men and women. In the Platform for Action that emerged from the United Nations' Fourth World Conference on Women held in Beijing in 1995, the media were identified as one of the major areas of concern. Gender sensitizing the media must be a priority. (author's)
Social Science and Medicine. 2003 Nov; 57(9):1547-1557.Spurred on by donors, a number of developing countries are in the midst of fundamental health and population sector reform. Focused on the performance-oriented norms of efficiency and effectiveness, reformers have paid insufficient attention to the process-oriented norms of sovereignty and democracy. As a result, citizens of sovereign states have been largely excluded from the deliberative process. This paper draws on political science and public administration theory to evaluate the Bangladeshi reform experience. It does so with reference to the norms of efficiency, effectiveness, sovereignty and democracy as a means of making explicit the values that need to be considered in order to make health and population sector reform a fair process. (author's)
Human development report 2003. Millennium Development Goals: a compact among nations to end human poverty.
New York, New York, Oxford University Press, 2003. xv, 367 p.The central part of this Report is devoted to assessing where the greatest problems are, analysing what needs to be done to reverse these setbacks and offering concrete proposals on how to accelerate progress everywhere towards achieving all the Goals. In doing so, it provides a persuasive argument for why, even in the poorest countries, there is still hope that the Goals can be met. But though the Goals provide a new framework for development that demands results and increases accountability, they are not a programmatic instrument. The political will and good policy ideas underpinning any attempt to meet the Goals can work only if they are translated into nationally owned, nationally driven development strategies guided by sound science, good economics and transparent, accountable governance. That is why this Report also sets out a Millennium Development Compact. Building on the commitment that world leaders made at the 2002 Monterrey Conference on Financing for Development to forge a “new partnership between developed and developing countries”—a partnership aimed squarely at implementing the Millennium Declaration—the Compact provides a broad framework for how national development strategies and international support from donors, international agencies and others can be both better aligned and commensurate with the scale of the challenge of the Goals. And the Compact puts responsibilities squarely on both sides: requiring bold reforms from poor countries and obliging donor countries to step forward and support those efforts. (excerpt)
Pretoria, South Africa, Africa Insitute of South Africa, Peace and Governance Programme, 2002. vi, 14 p. (Africa Institute Occasional Paper No. 68; Peace and Governance Programme No. 4)If lasting peace is to be sustained, it is important that preventive diplomacy be effectively applied in future, something which has thus far not always been managed successfully. The mistakes that have been made in the past can serve as a guideline to formulate a series of recommendations for the future. First, it is essential to define the concept preventive diplomacy. The next step is to describe the dimensions of the conflict in Sierra Leone. Bilateral negotiations between parties, appeals by international actors and the threat or use of force in the maintenance and restoration of regional balances of power are selected as a few key preventive tools for analysis. Finally, recommendations are made in this volume about how preventive diplomacy should be applied in future to prevent the country's fragile peace from falling apart yet again. (excerpt)
Media Development. 2002; 49(4):27.There is growing recognition that those who most need the boost that information communication technologies (ICTs) can provide are least able to take advantage of it. The bridging of this 'digital divide', is, therefore, now high on the global development agenda with multi-lateral and bi-lateral agencies channelling millions of dollars into projects which aim to support the ability of the marginalised to harness the power of ICTs. (excerpt)
Development in Practice. 2002 Feb; 12(1):7-19.International funding of civil society organizations within the framework of support for democratization processes has increased significantly in recent years. Yet, this raises a set of questions quite apart from the effectiveness of the activities of the recipient organizations. Who are these groups? Whom do they represent? What effect does international funding have on their organizational workings and their rootedness in their local societies and political systems? This article presents the results of a survey that examined the sources of financing, level of organization, domestic constituencies, and relationships to political parties of 16 civil society groups in Latin America that received support from the National Endowment for Democracy in 1999. It finds that while the groups demonstrate a remarkable diversity in their sources of funding, all of them receive the lion's share of financing from international donors. The author argues, however, that given the scant possibilities for domestically generated funding, this dependence is to be expected. The article concludes with a series of questions about the meaning of international support for local groups in developing democracies and the potential effects it may have on de-linking such groups from their broader political and party system. (author's)
Development Outreach. 2002 Winter; 4(1):19-20.Among political scientists and philosophers, an active debate over the definition of "civil society" has emerged over the years. Each definition given implies a different course in which donors should pursue to promote civil society, and through it, democracy. This paper reviews some of the major points of this debate and highlights what aid providers and democracy promoters mean when they talk of civil society. A fair amount of scholarly consensus exists around a broad view of civil society as one of the basic elements of a society, alongside the state and the market. Another influential alternative conception of civil society focuses less on the importance of specific types of organizations or associations than on the role that certain associations play in fostering norms of reciprocity and trust, or social capital. Moreover, the view that has most influenced donors is one according to which civil society consists only of voluntary associations that directly foster democracy and promote democratic consolidation. Furthermore, aid providers and democracy promoters appear to make up an antipolitical domain, a pristine realm in which a commitment to civic values and the public interest rules in place of traditional divisions, beliefs, and interests.
Stockholm, Sweden, International Institute for Democracy and Electoral Assistance [International IDEA], 2000. xxx, 379 p. (Capacity-Building Series No. 10)This publication is a summary of reports by teams of Nigerian and international resource persons who undertook a consultative and empirically based study of some of the critical issues on the political agenda in Nigeria. Democracy in Nigeria is an attempt to capture and contribute to the on-going debates, discussions and overall search for solutions that can heal and build a nation, and thereby deepen and consolidate democracy in Nigeria. Divided into five major parts, Part I focus on the basic ingredients for establishing an enduring democratic system in Nigeria: constitutional governance and democratic culture. Part II seeks to understand ethnicity, religion and gender to explain the complexity and diversity of Nigeria. Part III offers an analysis of matters concerning the stabilization of democracy and engineering development in the country, while Part IV anchors the issues and cross-cutting issues of concern to this project in the concrete experiences of the Niger Delta, the North-East and the Middle belt. Finally, Part V emphasizes the role of the international community in Nigeria's democratic agenda.
Monday Developments. 2002 Apr 8; 20(7):10, 15.With the death of rebellion leader Jonas Savimbi in February 2002, Angola now faces a challenge to put itself on the road to peace, prosperity, and democracy. The country's hope depends on grassroots organizations, which hold the key to citizen participation and attaining a transparent and accountable government. Angola confronts a critical stage that needs the support of the international community for its emerging organizations to advance towards democracy and prosperity. One of the small grassroots organizations to exemplify action against the government is the Coalition for Boavista Homeless. The coalition was established in July 2001 as a response to the government's policy of demolishing homes and taking over the land in Boavista. It distributed pamphlets about the government's action and circulated a petition in request to stop demolition. The coalition and other civil society groups were supported by international organizations like World Learning, which is committed in upholding democracy and human rights worldwide. Changes in Angola will not happen overnight, but are taking place with the effort of the civil society and with help of international community.
UN CHRONICLE. 2000; 37(3):14-5.In 1992, the UN Declaration on the Rights of Persons Belonging to National or Ethnic, Religious or Linguistic Minorities advocated democracy among the States to manage their ethnically diverse populations. It is suggested in the preamble that the promotion and realization of minority rights within a democratic framework based on the rule of law would contribute to the strengthening of friendship and cooperation among people and States. This unprecedented advice goes against a common assumption that nationalism inevitably leads to war and disorder. It also points to the failure of authoritarian States to manage ethnic diversity, and is viewed as a viable suggestion. The causes of the conflicts that occurred, as well as the absence of war in most multiethnic post-communist countries, support this view. It is noted that ethnic conflict usually originates from discrimination against minorities, attempts at assimilation, and sometimes even genocide. To this effect, the Declaration counsels States to protect and promote the identities of minorities within their respective territories; advocates giving minorities their own rights; attempts to reconcile individual and group rights; assumes that ethnically mixed societies and multiple identities are a reality; seeks to strengthen States and preserve their sovereignty; and advises equitable treatment of minorities. Overall, the Declaration has universal significance: its implementation could make worldwide peace a reality.
POPULATION AND DEVELOPMENT REVIEW. 1993 Dec; 19(4):877-82.This document contains reprints of selected passages in the "Vienna Declaration and Programme of Action" which was formulated during the UN Conference on Human Rights held in Vienna, Austria, on June 14-25, 1993. Part I focuses on the commitment of all states to fulfill their obligations in the promotion of human rights. It also emphasizes the right of each individual to self-determination and the role of the international community in the promotion and protection of all human rights. Furthermore, it recognizes the dignity and contribution of indigenous people to the development of society, and stresses the rights of children to a full and harmonious development in a family environment. It also expresses dismay over ethnic cleansing and systemic rape of women in war situations. Meanwhile, Part II of the declaration addresses the rights of women in terms of gender and educational equality as well as the accessibility and adequacy of health services.
Lancet. 1999 Feb 20; 353(9153):603.To survive into healthy adulthood, children need to avoid acute respiratory infections, diarrheal diseases, measles, and malaria. In Africa, a child's chances of survival are governed largely by his or her exposure to poverty. Adolescents and youth must avoid the threats of HIV infection and multidrug resistant tuberculosis. AIDS is now the greatest risk to national development programs in Africa. As AIDS robs families of their wage-earners, children will have to leave school in order to help at home, and literacy rates will fall. Civil war is Africa's most serious public health risk, with Somalia, Congo-Brazzaville, Sierra Leone, Angola, Democratic Republic of Congo, Burundi, Rwanda, Senegal, and Sudan having all recently experienced conflict. Ethiopia and Eritrea are currently engaged in armed conflict. One possible solution is to view health as a means by itself to eradicate poverty and bring economic, and therefore political, stability to the continent. Another possible solution is to rely upon existing international political and financial institutions, although few believe that these bodies will solve the continent's problems. Positive interventions would include halting all arms sales to Africa and offering debt relief contingent upon democratic reforms.
Americas in harmony. Health and environment in sustainable human development. An opportunity for change and a call to action.
Washington, D.C., PAHO, 1996. vii, 42 p.This report presents summaries of the presentations, views, recommendations, and criticisms of the 1995 Pan American Conference on Health and the Environment in Sustainable Human Development. This conference was convened in response to government and societal commitments, the current global crisis, and the effects of ongoing global changes. Inequities and social injustices have assumed large proportions. The economy is an end in itself, regardless of the needs of humankind. There is a lack of permanent, balanced, genuine, open, and effective dialogue, especially between economic parties that formulate national policies and development plans and parties in the social domain. The conference aimed to foster increased and shared understanding of the links between health, environment, and sustainable development. The aims also were to formulate effective ways for integrating social needs and health and environmental concerns within national policies, plans, and development programs; and to find means of support. It is expected that the conference will bring about appropriate national and hemispheric dialogue, stronger political leadership, and opportunities for coordinating technical and financial international assistance and cooperation in support of national processes. Seven panel discussions focused on a variety of country, regional, and Charter strategies. An open forum addressed community participation in practice. Seven addresses focused on sustainable development. The report focuses its chapters on the present and future context and 10 areas for action.
Bethesda, Maryland, Sisterhood is Global Institute, 1996. , xiv, 168 p.This manual presents a multidimensional framework that allows grassroots Muslim women from various backgrounds to examine the relationship between their basic human rights as inscribed in major international documents and their culture. The introduction contains the manual's objective and background, the major international sources of women's rights, the major premises upon which the manual is based, the theoretical framework of the communication model (involving a communicator, an audience, a medium, and a message), the general structure of the model, and a note to facilitators. The next section presents the learning exercises that can be used by facilitators and participants to discuss women's rights 1) within the family; 2) to autonomy in family planning decisions; 3) to bodily integrity; 4) to subsistence; 5) to education and learning; 6) to employment and fair compensation; 7) to privacy, religious beliefs, and free expression; 8) during times of conflict; and 9) to political participation. Section 3 contains a workshop and facilitator evaluation form. Appendices contain auxiliary material such as relevant religious passages, descriptions of the first heroines of Islam, samples of Arabic proverbs concerning women, the text of international human rights instruments, and a list of various human rights and women's organizations in selected Muslim societies. The manual ends with an annotated bibliography.
[Latin America and the crisis (points for the balance of a decade)] America Latina y la crisis (apuntes para el balance de una decada).
CUADERNOS DEL CENDES. 1990 Jan-Aug; (13-14):146-66.The decade of the 1980s was catastrophic for the countries of Latin America because of profound transformations in the world economy, which started in the 1970s, the wilting of the state development programs that were imposed after World War II, and the collapse of socialism with the incipient transition to market economies. The crisis started because of the erosion of the world economic system as constituted under the Bretton Woods agreement; the drastic drop in the economic growth of market economies; the increased costs of living and the deterioration of the environment; the decrease in industrial capacity; and the emergence of transnationalization of production. In Latin America, the economic models that had been in place without solving underdevelopment became even more obsolete (import substitution, internal trade, and the role of the state). The crisis of socialism and the rapprochement of eastern European countries to western Europe also affected Latin America (e.g., Germany cancelled 30 mine exploration projects in Bolivia due to investments in East Germany). The structural readjustment policies of the International Monetary Fund and the World Bank resulted in currency devaluations, redistribution of government funds, elimination of various subsidies, reduction of public debt and social expenditures, reduction of public employment, and payment of external debt. The result was more inflation (in Bolivia, Brazil, Peru, and Argentina, inflation rates were 683.7%, 157.1%, 100.1%, and 326.2%, respectively, between 1980 and 1986), unemployment, and poverty in the lost decade of the 1980s. After 1982, state expenditures on roads, education, hospitals, and nutrition declined by 40% in Mexico. Even though most countries returned to democracy in the region, this was at the cost of the increased role of the military and the transnationals. The grand parties collapsed and in Venezuela, Mexico, and Colombia authoritarian tendencies survived into the 1970s degrading democracy. The states' socioeconomic regulatory role has to be redefined.
[Unpublished] 1994. Presented at the International Conference on Population and Development [ICPD], Cairo, Egypt, September 5-13, 1994.  p.The Minister of Planning and Economic Restructuring led the delegation from Benin and addressed the International Conference on Population and Development. The real African problem, which deserves much attention (i.e., deep analyses and courageous and well considered solutions) is chaotic urbanization. It is abrupt and rarely accompanied by an urbanization program and planning. Illness, absence of hygiene, lack of social protection, no potable water, and no electricity concentrate in and around the urban perimeter or in several megalopoles which empty and drain rural areas. African cities are swelling without end and are incapable of producing the corresponding riches of this population growth. Cotonou has more than 10% of Benin's population. Restoration of democracy, promotion of nongovernmental organizations, growth of women's groups, and rehabilitation of a responsible civil society constitute a firm determinant for a national debate on population. Different levels of society at the local level have gathered to debate principal population questions over several days of reflection on population. The challenge of demographic growth and sustainable development is much more a question of poverty and ignorance than of population size. Solutions that Benin is striving for include: improvement of rural productivity and diversification of agricultural production, opening up of production zones to favor free movement of agricultural products in the interior of the national territory, promotion of the family, strengthening of population education programs, family life and sex education for school age children and adolescents, and research for a better training-work equivalency with emphasis on better promotion of self-employment. Development of family planning cannot occur without substantial improvement in the population's education level, especially that of women. Benin's objective is to get women to understand that it is better to use contraceptives to avoid unwanted pregnancies than to find means to eliminate them. Benin subscribes to primary health care.