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  1. 1

    [Launch of a radio campaign for the participation of rural women in landholding] Lanzamiento de Campaña Radial. Por la participación de las mujeres rurales en la tenencia de la tierra.

    RedAda. 1997 Dec; (26):2-3.

    Given the need for peasant and indigenous women to know about the articles of the Agrarian Reform Institute Law (INRA, Spanish acronym), principally the articles favorable to them, the National Network of Information and Communication Workers, RED-ADA, sponsored by UNIFEM, UNICEF, and SECRAD [Service of Radio and Television Training for Development], has launched the National Campaign "for women's right to land." The first phase of the radio campaign, broadcast by different stations throughout Bolivia, ran for three months, from December 1997 to February 1998, and consisted of six radio spots in four languages: Quechua, Aymará, Guaraní, and Spanish. (excerpt)
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  2. 2

    Women in FAO projects: cases from Asia, the Near East, and Africa.

    Carloni A

    In: Women, international development, and politics: the bureaucratic mire. Updated and expanded edition, edited by Kathleen Staudt. Philadelphia, Pennsylvania, Temple University Press, 1997. 249-268.

    How are women integrated into mainstream FAO projects? At what stages of the projects' cycles, from design through implementation and evaluation, are attempts made to learn about or involve women? Ten case studies of selected FAO field projects were carried out in 1982. The projects selected were in sectors where women were known to be involved: poultry, post-harvest processing and storage of food grain, sheep and goat production, and irrigation. Also, the projects selected were those in which the role of women was brought to the attention of project staff at some time during the project cycle. The cases, therefore, are a highly select group. Written reports, and discussions with concerned staff members, including those from the field and FAO headquarters, were the basis for analysis. The full 103- page, single-spaced report, Integrating Women in Agricultural Projects: Case Studies of Ten FAO-Assisted Field Projects (1983), was never widely disseminated. This highly condensed version contains three of the cases from Asia, Africa, and the Near East, rather than all ten cases. In each case, women were addressed at different stages of the project cycle: in Asia, belated attention with potentially hopeful yet fatal follow up; in the Near East, limited attention throughout; in Africa, early design attention but subsequent marginalization of efforts to reach women. For each case, I describe project goals and operations. I then analyze the work the women do in each area that is relevant to the project; women's work varies tremendously and generalizations about that would be hazardous. Finally, I provide an overview of each project cycle. First, however, I examine some conventional answers to women's integration. The process approach used herein involves dissecting all stages of project design and implementation to determine how, when, and where adjustments can be made to include, benefit, and give voice to women. As such, the analysis provides guidance about how to change existing mainstream projects or how to recast project administration. In the course of analysis, the limitations of conventional answers for administrative reform will become apparent. (excerpt)
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  3. 3
    Peer Reviewed

    Empowerment and disempowerment of forest women in Uttarakhand, India.

    Sarin M

    Gender, Technology and Development. 2001 Sep-Dec; 5(3):341-364.

    Empowering women of forest based societies to participate in local forest management has become an essential rhetorical commitment of donor funded 'participatory' forestry projects and state policies for devolution of forest management. Instead of increasing women's empowerment, the top-down interventions of a World Bank funded forestry project in Uttarakhand are doing the opposite by disrupting and marginalizing their own struggles and achievements, transferring power and authority to the forest department and local elite men. A number of case studies illustrate the project's insensitivity to the dynamic functioning of existing self-governing institutions and the women's ongoing struggles within them to gain greater voice and control over forest resources for improving their quality of life and livelihood security. The article argues for active engagement of forest women and their communities in the policy and project formulation process itself, which permits building upon women's and men's own initiatives and struggles while strengthening gender-equal democratization of self-governing community forestry institutions. (author's)
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  4. 4

    Zimbabwe. Not eligible: the politicization of food in Zimbabwe.

    Human Rights Watch. Africa Division

    New York, New York, Human Rights Watch, 2003 Oct. [54] p. (Human Rights Watch Vol. 15, No. 17(A))

    The politicization of food takes place within the larger national context, where party-political violence and repression are widespread. The government uses veterans of the war for independence, police, ZANU PF youth, and the recently created youth brigades to enforce its food distribution policies. Army leaders are central to the operation of the GMB and its Food Committee. Even as international humanitarian assistance helps feed hungry Zimbabweans, the longer-term humanitarian and political dilemma of how to help the impoverished ex-commercial farm workers and new settlers on the old white farms remains. (excerpt)
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