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Tropical Medicine and International Health. 2008 Mar; 13(3):354-364.The objectives were to present and compare socioeconomic status (SES) rankings of households using consumption and an asset-based index as two alternative measures of SES; and to compare and evaluate the performance of these two measures in multivariate analyses of the socioeconomic gradient in malaria prevalence. Data for the study come from a survey of 557 households in 25 study villages in Tanzania in 2004. Household SES was determined using consumption and an asset-based index calculated using Principal Components Analysis on a set of household variables. In multivariate analyses of malaria prevalence, we also used two other measures of disease prevalence: parasitaemia and self-report of malaria or fever in the 2 weeks before interview. Household rankings based on the two measures of SES differ substantially. In multivariate analyses, there was a statistically significant negative association between both measures of SES and parasitaemia but not between either measure of SES and self-reported malaria. Age of individual, use of a mosquito net, and wall construction were negatively and significantly associated with parasitaemia, whilst roof construction was positively associated with parasitaemia. Only age remained significant when malaria self-report was used as the measure of disease prevalence. An asset index is an effective alternative to consumption in measuring the socioeconomic gradient in malaria parasitaemia, but self-report may be an unreliable measure of malaria prevalence for this purpose. (author's)
Food and Nutrition Bulletin. 2004 Sep; 25(3):239-247.An agricultural project in Highland Ecuador provided a model context to better understand the nutrition of rural women. The adequacy of women's nutrition and the strength of associations with age and socioeconomic status were studied in 104 rural households over four rounds (two seasons) during the 1995-1996 agricultural year using a cross-sectional with repeated-measures design. Women were at high risk for micronutrient deficiencies (calcium, iron, riboflavin, and vitamin B12) due to low intakes of animal products. Two distinct constructs representing socioeconomic status were identified: modern lifestyle and farming wealth. In multivariate models, farming wealth was associated with quality of women's diet (animal protein adjusted for energy, p = 0.01). Diet quality, in turn, was positively associated with anthropometric status (p = 0.02). Women over the age of 50 weighed approximately 3.7 kg less than younger women and consumed less energy (300 kcal) and micronutrients (p < 0.05). Age was positively associated with respiratory morbidity (p = 0.01). These findings, while directly relevant to a specific context, suggest the need for cross-cultural studies to identify the extent of, and factors contributing to, the risk of nutritional inadequacy in postreproductive women in developing countries. (author's)
Food Additives and Contaminants. 2006 Jul; 23(7):700-708.In Egypt, there is a paucity of biomarker data on aflatoxin (AF) exposure. The study assessed the level and frequency of breast milk, AFM/1 as a biomarker of maternal exposure. Breast milk samples were collected from a selected groups of 388 Egyptian lactating mothers of children attending the New El-Qalyub Hospital, Qalyubiyah governorate, Egypt, during May-September 2003. Following aflatoxin extraction, AFM/1 levels were assessed by high-performance liquid chromatography (HPLC) with fluorescence detection. Approximately 36% of mothers tested positive for AFM/1 ( median 13.5 pg ml, interquartile range (IQR) 10.27-21.43) Non-working status (p=0.018, odds ration (OR) =2.87), obesity (p=0.004, OR=3.0), high corn oil consumption (p = 0.028 OR =3.57), contributed to the occurrence of AF in breast milk. AFM/1 contamination of breast milk was frequent, albeit at moderate levels. Growth and development of the infant is rapid and thus it is possible that AF exposure through breast milk has a significant health effect. (author's)
Food items consumed by students attending schools in different socioeconomic areas in Cape Town, South Africa.
Nutrition. 2006 Mar; 22(3):252-258.We investigated the food consumption patterns of adolescent students at schools. Our findings are intended to reveal the overall nutritional quality of foods eaten by students at school, including foods brought to school and foods purchased at school. A questionnaire was completed by 476 students, mostly from grades 7 and 10, from 14 schools in Cape Town, South Africa. The schools were representative of the various ethnic groups and socioeconomic strata of the population. The questionnaire requested information on eating habits at school, foods brought to school and food purchases, and breakfast consumption before school. We also tested whether students knew which foods are healthy and which are less healthy choices. The students were mostly 12 to 16 y of age (mean age 14.5 y). The large majority had breakfast before school (77.8%) and ate at school (79.7%). Food was brought to school by 41% to 56%, whereas 69.3% purchased food at school, mainly at the school store (tuck shop). Predefined “unhealthy” foods brought to school outnumbered “healthy” ones by 2 to 1. Among students who purchased food at school, 70.0% purchased no healthy items, whereas 73.2% purchased two or more unhealthy items. With six foods 84% of students correctly stated whether they were healthy or unhealthy; however, with cola drinks, samoosas (deep-fried pastry with spicy filling), and pies, only 47% to 61% knew that these were less healthy choices. Students’ scores on this question were unrelated to whether they purchased healthy or unhealthy foods. Students who attended schools of high socioeconomic status were twice as likely to bring food to school (64.7% versus 31.0%, P < 0.001), scored higher marks on the quiz of healthy versus unhealthy foods (P < 0.01), but were no more likely to purchase healthy food. The large majority of food eaten by adolescent students in Cape Town is classified as being unhealthy choices. This applies to foods brought to school and food purchases. Consideration needs to be given to policy measures to improve this situation and to improve education of students and their parents. (author's)
Journal of the Medical Association of Thailand. 2006; 89(5):706-713.A cross-sectional study was conducted in a rural area of the Northeastern region in Thailand. The study aimed to investigate factors influencing nutritional status and to explore the pattern of snack consumption. Subjects were 85 normal and 85 undernourished pre-school children with ages ranging from 2-6 years old. The authors collected demographic data including socio-economic status and family background by using an interview administered questionnaire. A 5-day food record was used to evaluate nutritional intake. The results indicated that children in both groups preferred crispy snacks between breakfast and lunch. Energy, protein, fat, carbohydrate, calcium and sodium intake derived from snacks and overall intake were significantly lower in undernourished children than those in normal children (p-value < 0.01). The results indicated that energy intake in pre-school malnourished children (2-3 years) as percentage of recommended daily allowance was lower than the recommended level. High sodium intake was observed in the presented study children and the results supported the observation that snack foods contribute to excessive sodium intake. The present results have highlighted the impact of snack consumption. Programmes aimed at increasing nutritional knowledge and information for parents and guardians are important. Furthermore, promotion of nutritious snack consumption among children is important. (author's)
INTERNATIONAL DEMOGRAPHICS. 1986 Dec; 5(12):i-x, 1-217.To facilitate understanding of the consumer market potential of today's world, "International Demographics" clusters the world's 150 largest countries based on their demographic and socioeconomic characteristics. The names of the 5 clusters--The Dependents, The Seekers, The Climbers, The Ultimate Consumers, and The Rocking Chairs--help identify the kind of consumer markets the countries represent. The 150 countries included in this 1987 volume are considered potential markets and are organized by cluster. All data cited are the most current numbers available, and all population estimates are the latest projections by the Center for International Research, US Census Bureau. Population trends of the next 14 years will change existing markets, and open new markets. However, due to rapid population growth in the poorest of the world economy, the Dependent countries, only intensified efforts on the part of the countries themselves and increased assistance from the international development community can pull these countries up. The sheer size of the market in Seeker and Climber countries is sufficient to indicate increased consumer demand. Add to that increasing income, the predominance of youth, and the ongoing rural-to-urban shift, and it is clear that demand will center on consumer durables for beginning families as the large proportions of youth will center on consumer durables for beginning families as the large proportions of youth enter their prime spending years of 15-64. Construction, sanitation, power, telecommunications, and transport are expected to boom as youth add pressure to urban job markets and housing. Slowed or stagnated growth in the rapidly aging Ultimate Consumer and Rocking Chair countries tells a different story. Some Rocking Chair countries such as West Germany already are experiencing natural decrease. Market growth in the Ultimate Consumer and Rocking Chair countries is geared to the increasingly sophisticated tastes and needs of the elderly rather than to an increase in numbers. 4 demographic factors help identify market potential--the average annual population growth rate, the average number of lifetime births per woman, the status of women, and urbanization. Countries not currently considered good potential markets are growing very rapidly at an average population growth rate of 2.5% or more and will continue to do so. The status of women is low, and the urban population is concentrated in 1 city. countries with good market potential are growing more slowly, at a rate of 1.5-2.5% a year. Fertility is under control, the status of women is improving, and urbanization is spread throughout the country.
The state of the world's women 1985: World Conference to Review and Appraise the Achievements of the United Nations Decade for Women, Equality, Development and Peace, Nairobi, Kenya, July 15-26, 1985.
[Unpublished] 1985. 19 p.This report, based on results of a questionnaire completed by 121 national governments as well as independent research by UN agencies, assesses the status of the world's women at the end of the UN Decade for Women in the areas of the family, agriculture, industrialization, health, education, and politics. Women are estimated to perform 2/3 of the world's work, receive 1/10 of its income and own less than 1/100 of its property. The findings revealed that women do almost all the world's domestic work, which combined with their additional work outside the home means that most women work a double day. Women grow about 1/2 the world's food but own very little land, have difficulty obtaining credit, and are overlooked by agricultural advisors and projects. Women constitute 1/3 of the world's official labor force but are concentrated in the lowest paid occupations and are more vulnerable to unemployment than men. Although there are signs that the wage gap is closing slightly, women still earn less than 3/4 of the wage of men doing similar work. Women provide more health care than do health services, and have been major beneficiaries of the global shift in priorities to primary health care. The average number of children desired by the world's women has dropped from 6 to 4 in 1 generation. Although a school enrollment boom is closing the gap between the sexes, women illiterates outnumber men by 3 to 2. 90% of countries now have organizations promoting the advancement of women, but women are still greatly underrepresented in national decision making because of their poorer educations, lack of confidence, and greater workload. The results repeatedly point to the major underlying cause of women's inequality: their domestic role of wife and mother, which consumes about 1/2 of their time and energy, is unpaid, and is undervalued. The emerging picture of the importance and magnitude of the roles women play in society has been reflected in growing concern for women among governments and the community at large, and is responsible for the positive achievements of the decade in better health care and more employment and educational opportunities. Equality for women will require that they have equal rights, responsibilities, and opportunities in every area of life.
AMERICAN DEMOGRAPHICS. 1995 Sep; 17(9):40-6.This article examines the growth of a relatively affluent middle class in developing countries around the world, with reference to the opportunities that arise for U.S. businesses seeking new markets. (ANNOTATION)
MOTHER JONES. 1995 Sep-Oct; 52-5.As world population continues to grow, the UN has made high, midrange, and low projections for population. The high projection, which shows population passing 28 billion in 2150 and continuing to climb, is entirely unrealistic because plague, famine, and/or war would occur if the population reached those levels. The low projection shows population peaking at 8 billion in 2050 and then dropping to below 5 billion by 2150. This below replacement level fertility seems possible with concerted international effort because the industrialized world is well below replacement level and China is rapidly approaching it. Understanding of how such a concerted international effort should be framed has grown from the realization that family size diminishes as child mortality declines to the identification of the specific aspects of development that result in smaller families: improving basic health, providing old-age security, educating women, and helping women become economically independent. An example of this sort of development at work is presented by Kerala state in India where women are treated equitably and are literate and where family size has fallen to 1.8 despite the prevailing poverty. The benefits of educating women, in fact, extend to all aspects of society. Effective family planning programs also help reduce fertility, especially when they are coupled with extensive education and promotion efforts. A large unmet need for contraception remains, however, and annual spending on reproductive health must increase significantly in developing countries. The life-support systems of the planet are also strained by the materialistic life-style embraced by industrialized nations. Rich nations perpetuate poverty in the developing world, and increasing socioeconomic equity would go far toward improving the human condition.
[Estimating the changing cost of children? A change in society, and a citicism of some concepts] Chiffrer une evolution du cout de l'enfant? Changement de societe, mise en cause des concepts.
POPULATION. 1994 Nov-Dec; 49(6):1,389-418.This is a review of the literature on the costs of having and raising children. The author notes that "initially, when the aim was to fight against poverty and maintain family living standards, research was directed to setting nutritional and budget standards. Subsequent research methods were based on household behaviour which was decreasingly focused on satisfying their basic needs. From 1964, economic models were based on the welfare of parents who make both economic and fertility decisions. The latest research tests the compatibility of the models with observed consumer behaviour. It shows that household consumption does not give any information on welfare in different types of households at a point of time, but gives a full comparison of trends in these welfare levels after setting their value at a point by convention." (SUMMARY IN ENG AND SPA) (EXCERPT)
[Serbian household structure according to socioeconomic characteristics] Sastav domacinstva Srbije po socio-ekonomskim karakteristikama.
STANOVNISTVO. 1992; 30-31:117-33.The author investigates "changes in the socio-economic structures of household and family, economic life, consumption and the general system of social values [in Serbia, Yugoslavia, since World War II]. During the process of accelerated desagrarization, intense spatial mobility related to the transfer of farmers to non-agricultural activities and to cities had a key role in changing the size of household units, their structure and social stratification. The social and demographic implications of such changes are multidimensional, affect the society as a whole and its macro institutions have a recurrent influence on the family." (SUMMARY IN ENG) (EXCERPT)
Washington, D.C., World Bank, 1992 Nov. 51 p. (Policy Research Working Paper: Population, Health, and Nutrition No. WPS 1039)The author "develops a simulation model...[that] links fertility decisions with consumption/saving decisions....The model is extended to reflect education as an endogenous decision and then further to look at the effects of an external effect of education on economic growth." (EXCERPT)
In: Economics of changing age distributions in developed countries, edited by Ronald D. Lee, W. Brian Arthur and Gerry Rodgers. Oxford, England, Clarendon Press, 1988. 139-50. (International Studies in Demography)This chapter examines the consequences of grafting an economic theory of fertility on to a simple model of economic growth. Our 1st discovery was that the existence of a sustainable equilibrium with growing per capita income imposes certain local restrictions on the form of the utility function. By exploiting those restrictions, the author was able to derive conclusions about the effects of government intervention on the long-term behavior of the model economy. The most striking of those conclusions was that a policy of taxing income and redistributing the proceeds to families in proportion to the number of children would increase income, consumption, and the number of children per adult, but would permanently reduce the amount spent on each child. By contrast, income taxation would have no macroeconomic effects, no matter how the proceeds were spent, if population were exogenous. Strong results obtained with a highly stylized model must be taken with the proverbial pinch of salt, particularly so when they concern complex phenomena like fertility. But the approach followed in this discussion, namely inferring the properties of the utility function from the conditions for a sustainable equilibrium and then seeing how these properties affect the comparative statics and dynamics of the system, appears to be promising. It might even be that some of the steady-state results would carry over to models with a variable saving rate and a more detailed age structure.
In: Economic and social implications of population aging: proceedings of the International Symposium on Population Structure and Development, Tokyo, 10-12 September 1987. New York, New York, United Nations, 1988. 121-44. (ST/ESA/SER.R/85.)Demographic projections for the majority of the industrial countries show that the proportion of persons of working age (15-59 or 15-64) in the total population will be higher in 2000 than it was in 1980. But after the beginning of the next century, in all the industrial countries except Ireland, there will be a gradual reduction in the proportion of persons of working age. The projections show that the deterioration in the ratio of persons aged 20-59 to those ages 60 and over will be felt gradually at first, owing to the baby boom, but that it will speed up from 2005. According to the majority of experts, the aging of the active population will have the effect of restraining the structural plasticity of the economy by slowing down necessary changes and mobility between sectors, and will produce an increase in wage and non-wage costs. Aging produces a slow decline in the consumption of goods and services associated with childhood and a slow increase in the consumption of certain goods and services connected with advancing age (leisure, health care, dietary products). Demographic aging has an effect on the quality of savings, which will tend to be more cautious and directed more towards prudent investments than towards investments in the modernization of the productive apparatus, which are not immediately profitable and contain risks. With the increase in life expectancy, the age of inheritance is constantly rising. The increasingly late passing-on of legacies does not facilitate the modernization of enterprises. The majority of retirement schemes have not yet reached maturity. Many pensioners have not contributed for the period required for a full pension, especially women. Increasingly, the rich countries are finding that they have a number of economic and social problems in common. In the rich countries, there is universal concern about the structural rigidity which aging creates and exacerbates in production and about the future financial balance of the retirement systems, which are seen to be under serious threat at a time when, paradoxically, the economic, social, and health situation of old people has never been better.
Bangkok, Thailand, United Nations, Economic and Social Commission for Asia and the Pacific [ESCAP], 1987. 10 p. (Population Research Leads No. 25)The Asian and Pacific region's decline in fertility and mortality over the past 2 decades has resulted in large shifts in the age composition of national populations, which affects planning in nearly every social and economic sector. For the region as a whole, the crude birthrate is estimated to have remained at 40/1000 population until about 1970, declining to 27/1000 in the 1980-85 period. This rapid decline in fertility has complicated population policy formulation and the integration of population factors into development planning. The demonstration that government programs could alter demographic trends meant that population no longer could be treated simply as an exogenous variable in development planning. The combination of previously high fertility and declining mortality, which particularly affected the survival rates of infants and children, resulted in a small increase in the proportion of the population of the region below age 15, from 37% in 1950 to 41% in 1970. By 1985, the latter proportion dropped to 35% because of declining fertility. Due to the previously high fertility and more recent declines, the proportion of the population in working-age groups increased from 56% in 1975 to 61% in 1985 and is projected to reach 65% by 2000. Providing employment for this rapidly increasing population of labor-force age is a major challenge for countries of the region over the next several decades. For those few countries in the Asian and Pacific regions who had low birth and death rates by 1960, the current issue is demographic aging. As the rate of population growth per se decreases in importance as a planning goal, other aspects of population, such as spatial distribution, take on more significance. The rising marriage age and organized family planning programs were the primary causes of fertility decline in the region, although the decline was limited in South Asia where large pockets of high fertility (a total fertility rate in the range of 5-7) remain. The contribution of rising marriage age to further fertility decline is approaching the limit, except in the countries of South Asia where the marriage age continues to be below 20 years. In most of the countries of the region, the potential also exists for a 2nd generation "baby boom" resulting from a changing age structure. This would in turn slow down the pace of fertility decline unless compensated by a rapid fall in fertility of younger married women caused by successful implementation of family planning programs and other associated socioeconomic changes. Aside from the straightforward implications of demographic change, changes in age structure also imply changes in consumption patterns. Thus, planning for production, consumption, investment, and distribution always should incorporate changes in age structure.
GENUS. 1986 Jul-Dec; 42(3-4):13-21.The author examines the writings of Malthus and compares them with basic tenets of two modern economic approaches to fertility studies. It is suggested that "Leibenstein and Easterlin, on the one hand, base their arguments on the central role of aspirations and of relative income or status, whether it be that of the parents or of the friends and neighbors. We argue that aspirations and relative income effects are quite close to Malthus' ideas on 'forward looking' and self respect. The other modern economic approach to fertility studies, the Chicago school, is centered on the effect of human capital on consumption and fertility decisions, and we think that this idea was not too strange to Malthus when he emphasized foresight and the desire for knowledge." (SUMMARY IN FRE AND ITA) (EXCERPT)
POPULATION AND DEVELOPMENT REVIEW. 1986; 12 Suppl:139-54.Mean family size in the industrial nations is less than the 2.1 children per couple needed for the population to remain constant over the long run. The countries of Western Europe have a mean family size of about 1.61 children per couple, with West Germany as low as 1.42, Japan at 1.71, Europe as a whole at 1.9, and the US at 1.85. The decline of births is related to 1) contraception, for the 1st time controlled by women; 2) women's employment outside the home; and 3) the democratization of decision making within couples. Work opportunities for women lower the birth rate, but they do so by freeing women from the dictatorship of men. The activity of child rearing is compared with other uncompensated activities that occupy people's leisure on the one hand, and with paid work in the other hand. Clerical work, women's current alternative to the 19th century factory, has agreeable social elements combined with tolerable and limited duties. Staying home with children can be lonely 7 days a week; it lacks crisp challenges and interpersonal relations. If parents do not spend their money and time producing children, they can apply both money and time to the purchase and use of dazzling array of other goods. Children are no longer investments in the traditional sense because 1) children are in large part no longer formed by parents but by television, schools, and peer groups; and 2) parents rely on their own savings and the state to provide for their old age. A feature of earlier high fertility was the inculcation of differentiated gender roles starting long before marriage. Women has few choices beyond raising children. The spread of high-fertility cultures did not need to be planned by anyone; sheer aithmetic worked at 2nd remove to make male dominance universal. This article argues that under modern conditions there will be few children.
RENKOU YANJIU. 1985 Mar 29; (2):36-40.In 1980, an economic survey was conducted in Wuxi, Jiangsu Province, China, in which the members of the general population were asked various questions related to their past and current employment status. The purpose of this survey was to provide information in the following areas: average life expectancy of Wuxi residents (72.32 years); ratio of average number of years of employment; difference between the number of years of employment among Wuxi residents compared with Hong Kong residents (including relevant factors); expected number of years of employment for a life expectancy of 72.32 years; total goods and services consumed in an average lifetime vs. Expected income over an average lifetime; age at which Wuxi residents begin to produce more than they consume; and the age of highest economic productivity. Survey and statistical methods and interpretation of data are explained at length. The information provided by this economic survey should prove useful for economic planning, as well as providing baseline figures for future comparative studies.
DEMOGRAPHY INDIA. 1986 Jul-Dec; 15(2):253-7.The authors compare the standard of living, as measured by per capita consumption expenditure, among five social-class groups in India using data from a national sample survey. (ANNOTATION)
INTERNATIONAL DEMOGRAPHICS. 1986 Sep; 5(9):1-8.Focus in this discussion of Belgium is on: cities and regions, population change, households and families, labor force, consumption, communication and transport, and sources of information. Belgium was created in 1830 as a constitutional monarch and buffer state amidst great European powers. Its constitution creating a parliamentary system of government has served as a model for many emerging democracies. Unemployment dropped from more than 14% in 1984 to just over 12% in the 1st quarter of 1986. Belgium also is experiencing a somewhat improved balance of payments and respectable overall economic growth of around 2.5% through the 1st half of 1986 along with close trading links and minimum customs formalities with Luxembourg and Holland. Yet, wages lag behind inflation after the last government suspended an index system that mandated automatic income adjustments in line with the cost of living. In 1983, for the 1st time since the country's economic boom of the 1960s, purchasing power for the average Belgium declined. About 90% of Belgium's estimated 9,880,000 inhabitants live in cities and towns ranging over a territory of only 30,518 KM. Administratively, the region of Flanders has 5 provinces, Wallonia, 4. Regions are further broken down into arrondissements and communes. Belgium's under replacement level birth rate is expected to decline further, and its proportion of elderly persons in the total population is expected to rise, straining even further an already overburdened system of social security and health care. Belgium's 10-year intercensal population gain (between 1971-81) was the smallest in the country's history. Belgium's total population stood at 9,853,023 on January 1, 1984, a decline of almost 5000 from the preceding year. Belgium's average household size is decreasing due to a larger aged population, an upsurge in divorces and unmarried young couples, and a declining birth rate. About 1/3 of the population works. At mid-1984, the figure stood at 3,638,000. The service sector generates more than half the country's jobs. The largest share of household consumption in 1983 was on food, at 18.6%.
[Unpublished] 1986. Presented at the All-Africa Parliamentary Conference on Population and Development, Harare, Zimbabwe, May 12-16, 1986. 12 p.This paper attempts to react to Dr. L. Savane's presentation, "The Employment Problem in Africa" and highlights some of the options that need to be considered for solving the problem. It examines the relationship between employment and development; outlines the main features of Dr. Savane's paper; reviews the nature of the problem in Africa; and proposes a short agenda for action. There is a conceptual framework, linking in a circular and interdependent manner (shown schematically) employment and income opportunities, production of goods and services, consumption of goods and services produced, and individual educational levels, skills, and health status. The conceptual framework is useful in understanding the relationship between employment generation and socioeconomic progress and how national policies conducive to increased productive employment, higher incomes, and more equitable income distribution could generate higher production and consumption, leading to a higher level of socioeconomic development and more employment. According to Savane, the nature of the growing employment crisis in Africa can be described in terms of the unique characteristics of the economies of most African nations. As agriculture is the mainstay of African economies, with 70-80% of the work force, the employment problem in the African context is basically that of the "working poor." The bulk of the working population works hard and long hours but earns little income. The problem is that of low productivity employment, rather than unemployment per se. Thus, labor is underutilized. Also there is evidence that a gross underutilization of capital exists, suggesting that underemployment cannot be explained only by the availability of surplus labor in relation to scarce capital but also by such other factors as human capital, investment ratio, technology, institutions, and even attitudes. Creating employment in Africa involves more than stimulating the economies to achieve higher economic growth. It calls for the implementation of a number of interacting policy decisions on a number of interrelated issues with both short-term and medium to long-term effects. Some short-term policies include: policies to raise food production to ensure food security and to produce raw materials to feed the factories; and policies aimed at achieving an agricultural revolution and rural development. Some medium to long-term policies include: education and training/skill development; human resources development and manpower planning; management training; technology capital utilization; and improvement in the status of women and their role in national development.
Santa, Monica, California, Rand Corporation, 1984 Sep. 28 p. (Rand Paper P-7070)This study used data from the 1976-77 Malaysian Family Life Survey to test the hypothesis that traditional income measures that exclude household production activities underestimate the well-being of the poor and overstate inequality. Mean levels of 9 components of income were considered. When net transfer payments, the value of services provided by living in a home one owns, in-kind income, and the imputed value of cottage industry production were added to the 3 standard components of household income (wage income, business income, and capital and interest income), average annual household income was increased by 17%. Another 17% increase occurred when the value of housework was added to total observable income. Finally, inclusion of the value of cooking and child care yielded a composite measure of actual income whose mean exceeded the mean of the 3 standard measures of household income by 56%. As the definition of income is broadened, inequality unambiguously falls. The income share of the poorest quintile of the sample increased by more than 40% when the various in-kind forms of income were added. Although a failure to consider nonmarket sources of income leads to a serious understatement of the well-being of the poorest 20% of the population, a failure to adjust for variation in leisure consumption leads to an overstatement. Malaysian poor appear to compensate for their low market income by producing many goods and services for their own consumption, a practice that implies above average working hours and a sacrifice in the area of leisure consumption. When incomes are standardized to eliminate variation in hours of leisure, measures of income inequality are sensitive to the number of hours chosen for standardization: generally, the larger the average number of work hours on which one standardizes, the lower the estimate of inequality. This finding suggests that much of what has been described as increasing equality due to economic growth may be spurious.
[On the socioeconomic situation of families today: data and problems] Zur sozialokonomischen Lage von Familien heute--Daten und Probleme.
ZEITSCHRIFT FUR BEVOLKERUNGSWISSENSCHAFT. 1986; 12(2):221-37.The author considers the socioeconomic status of young families in the Federal Republic of Germany and gives particular attention to the constraints that socioeconomic factors may exercise on the success of certain family policies. Family income and expenditures and the notion of the opportunity cost of children are discussed. (SUMMARY IN ENG AND FRE) (ANNOTATION)
International Demographics. 1986 May; 5(5):1-9.In 1964, at independence, Zambia's economic future looked brighter than that of most other developing countries. Its copper production accounted for 8% of total world production, and only neighboring Zaire outpaced it in the production of cobalt. Its Central Province around Kabwe held rich deposits of both zinc and lead; uranium deposits also had been found, but their projected yield remained undetermined. Since 1974, the decline in the price of copper and the increase in the price of oil have played havoc with Zambia's balance of payments. Copper, which accounted for 40% of the gross national product (GNP) and 98% of all foreign exchange in 1964, shrank to 12% of the GNP in 1978 while still generating most of the foreign exchange. As a result, imports were cut back markedly from $1.5 billion in 1973 to $690 million in 1983. Although this trend is beginning to make a U-turn, Zambia's economic situation is grave. In 1984 the GNP continued to register negative growth and inflation stood at 25%. With its urbanization rate doubling from 21% in 1964 to 43% in 1985, Zambia is now the most urbanized country south of the Sahara. Zambia's 1985 population is estimated to be 6.8 million. Between 1963 and 1969, the average annual population growth rate was 2.5: it was 3.1% between 1969-80. The current birthrate of about 48/1000 is expected to decline only marginally in the next 15 years, but the death rate is declining more rapidly -- from 19/1000 in the late 1960s to 15/1000 in 1985. Life expectancy is expected to rise from the current 51 years to about 58 years. As a result of the high growth rate, Zambia's population is young, with a median age of about 16.3 years. Traditional African values stress the importance of large families. Zambia's total fertility rate was 6.9 in 1985. According to the World Bank, only 1% of married women of childbearing age in 1982 used contraceptives. Although tribal links are weakening, Zambia still counts 73 officially recognized tribes. Together, they speak about 40 different dialects. Zambia now apportions over 15% of its national budget to education. Despite some noticeable progress, the public health structure remains deficient. Principal health problems include malaria, tuberculosis, and, in Northern Province and Luapula Province, sleeping sickness and river blindness. About 2/3 of the labor force, an estimated 2.2 million persons in 1982, still work in agriculture. Female labor force participation is lower in Zambia than in many African nations.
American Demographics. 1986 Aug; 8(8):22-5, 54-5.The authors examine trends in childbearing and in household expenditures in the United States since 1960, with a particular focus on assessing the implications for American business of the growing number of childless married couples. Data from official sources are analyzed in order to compare the consumption patterns of childless couples and couples with young children. (ANNOTATION)