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[The Permanent Household Survey: provisional results, 1985] Enquete Permanente Aupres des Menages: resultats provisoires 1985
Abidjan, Ivory Coast, Ivory Coast. Ministere de l'Economie et des Finances. Direction de la Statistique, 1985. 76 p.This preliminary statistical report provides an overview of selected key economic and social indicators drawn from a data collection system recently implemented in the Ivory Coast. The Ivory Coast's Direction de la Statistique and the World Bank's Development Research Department are collaborating, under the auspices of the Bank's Living Standards Measurement Study, to interview 160 households per month on a continuous basis for 10 months out of the year. Data are collected concerning population size, age structure, sex distribution, family size, nationality, proportion of female heads of household, fertility, migration, health, education, type of residence, occupations, employment status, financial assistance among family members, and consumption. Annual statistical reports based on each round of the survey are to be published, along with brief semiannual updates.
[Unpublished, 1985]. ii, 37 p. (DP/RILM/3.)Remittances from Thai workers abroad, although relatively small, have been increasing in magnitude over the years. Until recently it was looked on as a promising source of foreign exchange earnings. Remittances contributed substantially to the improvement in the standards of living and productive investments in rural areas of Thailand. The volume of remittances is determined largely by the number of workers and levels of wages that migrant workers receive from foreign employers. The present situation of the international labor market in the Middle East is not conducive either to high rates of labor migration or to high wages as in past years. Competition among labor-exporting countries may aggravate the unfavorable situation. Unregistered employment agents in Thailand send workers abroad to work for wages below the minimum set by the Department of Labor. Labor-exporting countries would benefit from cooperation to prevent further competition and to improve their bargaining position with the labor-importing countries. For Thailand, the most urgent issue is improving organizational structure for sending migrant workers abroad. This could lead immediately to a larger flow of remittances as workers would receive more net earnings as a result of the improvement. With respect to the utilization of remittances, measures to redirect remittances from consumption to investments should be based on incentives rather than controls.
POPULATION AND DEVELOPMENT REVIEW. 1986; 12 Suppl:139-54.Mean family size in the industrial nations is less than the 2.1 children per couple needed for the population to remain constant over the long run. The countries of Western Europe have a mean family size of about 1.61 children per couple, with West Germany as low as 1.42, Japan at 1.71, Europe as a whole at 1.9, and the US at 1.85. The decline of births is related to 1) contraception, for the 1st time controlled by women; 2) women's employment outside the home; and 3) the democratization of decision making within couples. Work opportunities for women lower the birth rate, but they do so by freeing women from the dictatorship of men. The activity of child rearing is compared with other uncompensated activities that occupy people's leisure on the one hand, and with paid work in the other hand. Clerical work, women's current alternative to the 19th century factory, has agreeable social elements combined with tolerable and limited duties. Staying home with children can be lonely 7 days a week; it lacks crisp challenges and interpersonal relations. If parents do not spend their money and time producing children, they can apply both money and time to the purchase and use of dazzling array of other goods. Children are no longer investments in the traditional sense because 1) children are in large part no longer formed by parents but by television, schools, and peer groups; and 2) parents rely on their own savings and the state to provide for their old age. A feature of earlier high fertility was the inculcation of differentiated gender roles starting long before marriage. Women has few choices beyond raising children. The spread of high-fertility cultures did not need to be planned by anyone; sheer aithmetic worked at 2nd remove to make male dominance universal. This article argues that under modern conditions there will be few children.
INTERNATIONAL DEMOGRAPHICS. 1986 Sep; 5(9):1-8.Focus in this discussion of Belgium is on: cities and regions, population change, households and families, labor force, consumption, communication and transport, and sources of information. Belgium was created in 1830 as a constitutional monarch and buffer state amidst great European powers. Its constitution creating a parliamentary system of government has served as a model for many emerging democracies. Unemployment dropped from more than 14% in 1984 to just over 12% in the 1st quarter of 1986. Belgium also is experiencing a somewhat improved balance of payments and respectable overall economic growth of around 2.5% through the 1st half of 1986 along with close trading links and minimum customs formalities with Luxembourg and Holland. Yet, wages lag behind inflation after the last government suspended an index system that mandated automatic income adjustments in line with the cost of living. In 1983, for the 1st time since the country's economic boom of the 1960s, purchasing power for the average Belgium declined. About 90% of Belgium's estimated 9,880,000 inhabitants live in cities and towns ranging over a territory of only 30,518 KM. Administratively, the region of Flanders has 5 provinces, Wallonia, 4. Regions are further broken down into arrondissements and communes. Belgium's under replacement level birth rate is expected to decline further, and its proportion of elderly persons in the total population is expected to rise, straining even further an already overburdened system of social security and health care. Belgium's 10-year intercensal population gain (between 1971-81) was the smallest in the country's history. Belgium's total population stood at 9,853,023 on January 1, 1984, a decline of almost 5000 from the preceding year. Belgium's average household size is decreasing due to a larger aged population, an upsurge in divorces and unmarried young couples, and a declining birth rate. About 1/3 of the population works. At mid-1984, the figure stood at 3,638,000. The service sector generates more than half the country's jobs. The largest share of household consumption in 1983 was on food, at 18.6%.
[The effects of manpower emigration on income distribution and consumption models in the Egyptian economy] Les effets de l'emigration de main-d'oeuvre sur la distribution des revenus et les modeles de consommation dans l'economie Egyptienne.
Tiers-Monde. 1985 Jul-Sep; 26(103):507-22.This work analyzes the effects of emigration from Egypt on the distribution of income and the consumption model of the Egyptian economy. The increasing role of remittances as a principal source of household income has disturbed the old division of income among socioeconomic groups. It is difficult to estimate the volume of remittances with any precision because of the variety of ways in which they can be made. Official statistics tend to underestimate their value by ignoring black market transactions, remittances of merchandise, and other forms. An estimate was made of the value of remittances in 1980 taking account of wage levels of 5 different types of workers in the principal employing countries, their average propensities to save, and the employment structure of migrants by socioprofessional groups. The average educational level of emigrants appears to have declined somewhat between 1972-78. Average monthly income for emigrants was estimated to range from 792 Egyptian pounds for technical and professional workers to 252 for unskilled workers and the propensity to save was estimated to range from 40% for technical and scientific workers to 15% for unskilled workers. The total income remitted in 1980 in millions of Egyptian pounds was estimated at 912 for 240,000 technical and scienfific workers, 739 for 360,000 intermediate level workers, 415 for 300,000 artisans and workers, 60 for 60,000 chauffeurs, and 109 for 240,000 unskilled workers. Although remittances have elevated the per capita income of the low income groups, their impact has been diminished by severe inflationary pressures which have led to a decline in living levels and a less complete satisfaction of basic needs. Salary levels of construction workers were 7-9 times higher in Egyptian pounds in 1977 in 3 countries of immigration than in Egypt, while they were 7-10 times higher in 4 countries for university professors. Remittances are used by families receiving them for subsistence or investment; lower income groups are more likely to use a large proportion for support and to buy locally produced goods, while higher income groups tend to save more and to purchase a larger proportion of imported goods. 1 of the significant effects of remittances is to orient individual consumption toward luxury consumer goods, which in turn entails a progressive substitution of imported for local goods and a growing disparity between the consumption of those who succeed in migrating and those who don't. Remittances sent by low income emigrants for family support are the only mechanism with a stimulating effect on the demand for local goods of mediocre quality; all the other mechanisms stimulate the demand for high quality imported goods and services which have a negligible stimulating effect for the poorest segments of the population, rural or urban.
Temas de Poblacion. 1983 Jul; 9(16):4-5.In the mid-1970s, some 120 million Latin Americans were unable to satisfy their most basic material needs. 55 million of them were in extreme indigency, unable to satisfy their minimal food needs even by using their entire incomes for that purpose. The rapid rate of demographic growth in Latin America influences the growth of the poor strata, who in absolute and relative terms show the highest rates of population growth. Despite heterogeneity in the manifestations of poverty, the poor have certain traits in common: employment outside the modern sector, with low productivity and little hope of generating stable incomes, low consumption capability, and lack of political power. 1 of the great problems of economic development in Latin America is the exclusion of the poorest strata from employment in better paid jobs. The high rate of fertility and rapid population growth provoke a negative interaction between population and development, in which the poorest strata reproduce most rapidly, becoming even poorer. A program of family planning within a development effort providing employment and income is needed to mitigate the problem, and no avenue or effort of implementation should be neglected on ideological grounds. Between 1960-70, the share of the poorest 20% of the population declined from 3.1% to 2.5% of the toal income of the region, while that of the poorest 1/2 increased slightly from 13.4% to 13.9%. In 1970 the poorest 20% had a per capita income of about US $70/year. It has been estimated that the proportion of the poor in Latin America declined from 51% in 1960 to 40% in 1970 and 33% at present, but the absolute number of persons affected continues to increase.
In: Goldscheider C, ed. Urban migrants in developing nations: patterns and problems of adjustment. Boulder, Colorado, Westview Press, 1983. 47-90.Discussion focuses on the adjustments of migrants to Seoul, Korea, analyzing the variety of ways migrants differ from lifetime residents and how recent and longterm migrants differ from each other. The socioeconomic characteristics of movers and nonmovers include: father's occupation, age, sex, education, and marital status. Move related variables apply only to migrants and include: farm or nonfarm background, rural or urban origins of the last move, previous exposure to urban areas, age sex marital status at the time of the move, and whether the move was alone or with family. Adjustment was analyzed in terms of labor force and occupational patterns, employment in modern and large industries, income, consumption patterns, housing, social and personal situation, organizational and friendship networks, and traditionalism and personal satisfaction. Recent migrants to Seoul have approximately the same levels of employment as longterm migrants, 89.6 versus 90.6%. Among recent migrants there are more persons in school than unemployed; among longterm migrants there are considerably fewer enrolled in school, with most unemployed. Lifetime urban residents have fewer persons employed, less than 80% of the total, with both higher school enrollment and higher unemployment. The different age compositions of these migrant residence categories account in part for the observed differences. Only 37% of recent migrants are employed in modern industries compared to over 50% of lifetime urban residents. Longterm inmigrants resemble most closely the lifetime urban residents, with 48% in modern enterprises. Over 57% of those with prior urban exposure are employed in modern industries. Income differences have an important role in the adjustment of migrants in the urban setting as a consequence of employment patterns and as a condition for obtaining consumer objects. There are significant differences in the personal income of migrants compared to lifetime urban residents. When the control variables of age, education, and father's occupation are introduced these effects are statistically reduced. Overall, recent migrants show ownership of considerably fewer objects than both lifetime urban residents and longterm migrants. Both migrant groups are relatively disadvantaged in the quality of their housing compared to the lifetime urban residents, but the disadvantage is very slight. Of all the dimensions of social and personal adjustment considered, membership in formal or informal organizations is most clearly related to potential migrant marginality in the urban structure. The differential shown is very pronounced and the standard of lifetime urban residents is approached only by educationally motivated migrants and those with some prior urban exposure, yet the pattern of social participation varies more by sociodemographic characteristics than by migrant recency. No evidence exists in support of the hypothesis that migrants to the cities compare unfavorably with the lifetime urban residents in their traditional attitudes. Age and education account for most of the observed differences in traditional attitudes.
The adjustment of migrants in large cities of less developed countries: some comparative observations.
In: Goldscheider C, ed. Urban migrants in developing nations: patterns and problems of adjustment. Boulder, Colorado, Westview Press, 1983. 233-53.Results of 4 case studies of Indonesia, South Korea, Iran, and Colombia may be compared along 3 broad dimensions of migrant adjustment to urban places: labor force, including employment and occupational patterns; housing, consumption, and income; and social and psychological elements of adjustment. Occupational changes and the economic mobility of migrants have important consequences for other forms of urban modern adjustments. Better jobs, higher incomes, quality housing, and increased consumer consumption are directly linked. These, in turn, are connected to social and social-psychological adjustments as well as to educational increases for the children of migrants. Occupational changes thus become the pivot around which migration and modernization revolve. Whatever the specific pattern, the relationships between migration and occupation are intertwined in complex ways with the economic development and social modernization of less developed countries. Comparative findings on occupational prestige lead to 3 conclusions: migrants are not particularly disadvantaged in terms of job prestige relative to comparable lifetime urban residents; occupational differences between migrants and natives reflect the background disadvantages of migrants, rather than the impact of migration per se; and over time, migrants attain the occupational levels that are consistent with their skills, education, and experience. These findings, almost without exception, emerge from all 4 case studies. In Korea and Iran, some elements of urban housing and neighborhoods quality are unrelated to migrant status. In Seoul, migrants and natives live in the same quality neighborhoods, consistent with their income and educational levels. Neither recency of migration nor migrant status was specifically associated with neighborhood quality. Parallel findings were reported for migrants to Tehran. 2 other measures of housing showed significant differences between migrants and lifetime urban residents: number of rooms per person and home ownership. Clearly migration status has a significant effect on some aspects of housing quality in Seoul and Tehran. Migrants to Surabaya are no worse off in terms of housing than those born in city. All migrants seem to improve their housing over time, yet 2 subgroups of migrants are particularly disadvantaged: migrants of farm background and the low income self employed. Regarding personal adjustment, defined in terms of traditionalism and satisfaction indexes, the case studies for Korea, Indonesia, and Colombia show little variation among migrant groups or between migrants and lifetime urban residents. The comparative examination of these studies suggests several interrelated, yet independent, dimensions of adjustment. Migrants adjust in some ways and not in other, while some migrants adjust better than others. Adjustment varies with the social, economic, political, and cultural context of urban places and changes over time. The overwhelming impression gained from these studies is that migration is positive for the migrants.