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JOURNAL OF THE AUSTRALIAN POPULATION ASSOCIATION. 1996 Nov; 13(2):195-229.This article reviews the post-Second World War literature on explanations for Australia's immigration program. It discovers three main schools of thought based on net pull factors: the official explanation and two unofficial explanations which focus on migrants as workers and on migrants as consumers. However the growing importance of net push factors after 1974 means that some of this work is less relevant today. Explanations focusing on net push factors have yet to cohere into a distinct perspective (or perspectives) but some research has been done on chain migration and family-based migration strategies, asylum seekers, temporary movement, and migration and the law. (EXCERPT)
MIDDLE EAST JOURNAL. 1997 Autumn; 51(4):554-65.This article explores the political and economic relationships in the 1980s and 1990s between Saudi Arabia and North Yemen as related to Yemeni labor migration and return migration in 1990. Saudi Arabia was home to about 2 million Yemeni labor migrants. This work force was reduced to about 1 million when oil prices declined. Yemen received substantial remittances, which fueled consumption and autonomy among rural institutions. Governments came to depend on indirect taxation of remittances through customs duties. Local institutions were funded largely by donations from migrants and their families. Central elites at the national level pressured local elites, who were weakened by the loss of revenue when labor migration declined in the 1980s. Central policies helped local areas adjust to declining funds. This enhanced national political power. In 1990, when Saudi Arabia shifted policy on Yemeni labor migration and Yemenis fled home, the united North and South Yemen absorbed the massive return migration. The state's control over society had increased sufficiently during the 1980s that Saudi Arabia's desire to exploit local autonomous groups failed and a smooth unification of the two Yemeni populations proceeded. Yemen had been united for 3 months before the Saudi decision. Yemen's decision to remain neutral in the Iraq-Kuwait conflict stimulated the Saudi action to threaten Yemeni migrants. Saudi Arabia tried again to undermine stability in Yemen when violence erupted in 1994; but Yemen was cohesive, independent, and secure and had a newly discovered oil reserve, which buffered the Saudis' efforts to influence events in Yemen.
Remigration and social change--prospects for the migrant worker sending countries of the Middle East.
PAKISTAN DEVELOPMENT REVIEW. 1987 Winter; 26(4):735-44.The author examines sociocultural aspects of the remigration of workers in the Middle East. He "suggests that migrants adopt, collectively, new cultural attitudes which they will attempt to maintain after getting re-settled back home." Consideration is given to consumerism and the religious beliefs of the repatriated workers. Special emphasis is given to return migration to Egypt and Pakistan. (EXCERPT)
The economic impact of international migration with special reference to workers' remittances in countries of the Middle East.
In: International Population Conference, Florence, 1985, June 5-12. Congres International de la Population. Volume 3. Liege, Belgium, International Union for the Scientific Study of Population, 1985. 13-29.This paper attempts to study the economic impact on the labor-exporting economies of the process of international labor migration, with special reference to the process of labor migration to oil-rich countries of the Middle East. The analysis contained in this paper focuses on the macroeconomic impacts of workers' remittances from a developmental viewpoint. The paper addresses a number of specific issues, namely: 1) the size and growth trends in the flows of workers' remittances in countries exporting labor to oil-rich countries of the Middle East; 2) the impact of workers' remittances on the behavior of consumption functions and consumption patterns of labor-exporting countries of the Middle East; 3) the main investment avenues through which workers' remittances are channelled; 4) the mulitplier processes associated with the inflow of workers' remittances in labor-exporting countries; 5) some welfare implications at the micro and macro levels. (author's modified)
Economic and Political Weekly. 1978 Jul 8; 13(27):1107-11.Many Keralites are working abroad and their families depend to a great extent on the money sent by them. This study attempts to examine the impact of foreign money in Kerala (India) based on a survey of 95 households in Chavakkad village. The village was selected as the study area because a large number of persons have left the village for Gulf countries. The area is backward and the main occupation of the people is agriculture. The only industrial activity worth mentioning is beedi making, which provides employment to about 5000 persons. 1 to 3 persons had gone abroad from the 95 households, and the total number of persons abroad was 136. An inquiry as to the previous job of the persons working abroad revealed that 49 of them were unemployed before going abroad. The remainder were employed as beedi makers, tailors, small businessmen, helpers in shops, hotel workers, drivers. 14 persons refused to provide information on previous jobs. Many of the migrants were able to go abroad because of the help provided by persons already at work abroad. 34 persons were helped by relatives, 23 by friends, and 21 went by launch. 21 persons went to Gulf countries in launch from Bombay without any travel documents, but later they obtained the visa and the necessary documents. The 136 persons had gone abroad since the early 1950s but 94 of the 136 had left in the 1970s. Of the 136 persons, 19 were working as construction workers, 18 as hotel workers, 15 in partnership small business, 9 as military helpers, 9 as tailors, 8 as drivers, 4 each as clerks, typists, and houseboys. Other jobs include petrol bunk helper, welder, and carpenter. Money was not received from abroad regularly every month. In a majority of cases, money was sent once in 2 or 3 months. In some cases, money was also sent through a friend who comes home for vacation. 59 persons sent a sum ranging from Rs. 500 to Rs. 750, each per month, to their respective families. 15 persons sent a sum ranging from Rs. 1000 to Rs. 1250, each permonth. Of the 102 persons sending money, most were sending Rs. 400 or more per month. The families receiving money enjoyed fairly good consumption levels. The monthly consumption expenditure varied between Rs. 250 and Rs. 1000. The majority of the households possessed either a radio or a transistor. There has been substantial investment in land and houses. The increasing demand for land has resulted in an increase in the price of land within a 5-year period. The entire income earned by the persons working abroad is either being used for consumption or invested in land and houses.
In: Goldscheider C, ed. Urban migrants in developing nations: patterns and problems of adjustment. Boulder, Colorado, Westview Press, 1983. 47-90.Discussion focuses on the adjustments of migrants to Seoul, Korea, analyzing the variety of ways migrants differ from lifetime residents and how recent and longterm migrants differ from each other. The socioeconomic characteristics of movers and nonmovers include: father's occupation, age, sex, education, and marital status. Move related variables apply only to migrants and include: farm or nonfarm background, rural or urban origins of the last move, previous exposure to urban areas, age sex marital status at the time of the move, and whether the move was alone or with family. Adjustment was analyzed in terms of labor force and occupational patterns, employment in modern and large industries, income, consumption patterns, housing, social and personal situation, organizational and friendship networks, and traditionalism and personal satisfaction. Recent migrants to Seoul have approximately the same levels of employment as longterm migrants, 89.6 versus 90.6%. Among recent migrants there are more persons in school than unemployed; among longterm migrants there are considerably fewer enrolled in school, with most unemployed. Lifetime urban residents have fewer persons employed, less than 80% of the total, with both higher school enrollment and higher unemployment. The different age compositions of these migrant residence categories account in part for the observed differences. Only 37% of recent migrants are employed in modern industries compared to over 50% of lifetime urban residents. Longterm inmigrants resemble most closely the lifetime urban residents, with 48% in modern enterprises. Over 57% of those with prior urban exposure are employed in modern industries. Income differences have an important role in the adjustment of migrants in the urban setting as a consequence of employment patterns and as a condition for obtaining consumer objects. There are significant differences in the personal income of migrants compared to lifetime urban residents. When the control variables of age, education, and father's occupation are introduced these effects are statistically reduced. Overall, recent migrants show ownership of considerably fewer objects than both lifetime urban residents and longterm migrants. Both migrant groups are relatively disadvantaged in the quality of their housing compared to the lifetime urban residents, but the disadvantage is very slight. Of all the dimensions of social and personal adjustment considered, membership in formal or informal organizations is most clearly related to potential migrant marginality in the urban structure. The differential shown is very pronounced and the standard of lifetime urban residents is approached only by educationally motivated migrants and those with some prior urban exposure, yet the pattern of social participation varies more by sociodemographic characteristics than by migrant recency. No evidence exists in support of the hypothesis that migrants to the cities compare unfavorably with the lifetime urban residents in their traditional attitudes. Age and education account for most of the observed differences in traditional attitudes.
The adjustment of migrants in large cities of less developed countries: some comparative observations.
In: Goldscheider C, ed. Urban migrants in developing nations: patterns and problems of adjustment. Boulder, Colorado, Westview Press, 1983. 233-53.Results of 4 case studies of Indonesia, South Korea, Iran, and Colombia may be compared along 3 broad dimensions of migrant adjustment to urban places: labor force, including employment and occupational patterns; housing, consumption, and income; and social and psychological elements of adjustment. Occupational changes and the economic mobility of migrants have important consequences for other forms of urban modern adjustments. Better jobs, higher incomes, quality housing, and increased consumer consumption are directly linked. These, in turn, are connected to social and social-psychological adjustments as well as to educational increases for the children of migrants. Occupational changes thus become the pivot around which migration and modernization revolve. Whatever the specific pattern, the relationships between migration and occupation are intertwined in complex ways with the economic development and social modernization of less developed countries. Comparative findings on occupational prestige lead to 3 conclusions: migrants are not particularly disadvantaged in terms of job prestige relative to comparable lifetime urban residents; occupational differences between migrants and natives reflect the background disadvantages of migrants, rather than the impact of migration per se; and over time, migrants attain the occupational levels that are consistent with their skills, education, and experience. These findings, almost without exception, emerge from all 4 case studies. In Korea and Iran, some elements of urban housing and neighborhoods quality are unrelated to migrant status. In Seoul, migrants and natives live in the same quality neighborhoods, consistent with their income and educational levels. Neither recency of migration nor migrant status was specifically associated with neighborhood quality. Parallel findings were reported for migrants to Tehran. 2 other measures of housing showed significant differences between migrants and lifetime urban residents: number of rooms per person and home ownership. Clearly migration status has a significant effect on some aspects of housing quality in Seoul and Tehran. Migrants to Surabaya are no worse off in terms of housing than those born in city. All migrants seem to improve their housing over time, yet 2 subgroups of migrants are particularly disadvantaged: migrants of farm background and the low income self employed. Regarding personal adjustment, defined in terms of traditionalism and satisfaction indexes, the case studies for Korea, Indonesia, and Colombia show little variation among migrant groups or between migrants and lifetime urban residents. The comparative examination of these studies suggests several interrelated, yet independent, dimensions of adjustment. Migrants adjust in some ways and not in other, while some migrants adjust better than others. Adjustment varies with the social, economic, political, and cultural context of urban places and changes over time. The overwhelming impression gained from these studies is that migration is positive for the migrants.