Your search found 6 Results
The (indispensable) middle class in developing countries; or, the rich and the rest, not the poor and and the rest.
Washington, D.C., Center for Global Development, 2010 Mar.  p. (CGD Working Paper 207)Inclusive growth is widely embraced as the central economic goal for developing countries, but the concept is not well defined in the development economics literature. Since the early 1990s, the focus has been primarily on pro-poor growth, with the “poor” being people living on less than $1 day, or in some regions $2 day. The idea of pro-poor growth emerged in the early 1990s as a counterpoint to a concern with growth alone (measured in per-capita income) and is generally defined as growth which benefits the poor as much or more han the rest of the population. Examples include conditional cash transfers, which target the poor while minimizing the fiscal burden on the public sector, and donors’ emphasizing primary over higher education as an assured way to benefit the poor while investing in long-term growth through increases in human capital. Yet these pro-poor, inclusive policies are not necessarily without tradeoffs in fostering long-run growth. In this paper I argue that the concept of inclusive growth should go beyond the traditional emphasis on the poor (and the rest) and take into account changes in the size and economic command of the group conventionally defined as neither poor nor rich, i.e., the middle class.
Recommendations for an educational programme to improve consumer knowledge of and attitudes towards nutritional information on food labels.
SAJCN. South African Journal of Clinical Nutrition. 2001 Feb; 14(1):28-35.The needs and objectives of the various groups affected by nutritional labelling illustrate the complex and controversial nature of nutritional labelling and the problems in formulating a simple and easily understood system. Twenty homogeneous white middle-income suburbs were chosen at random from a total of 39 strata. The multistage cluster method of sampling was used to divide each suburb into smaller clusters. One area was chosen at random from each suburb. Twenty homes were then systematically selected to bring the total sample number of respondents to 400. White middle-income women completed a questionnaire analysing consumer attitudes towards and knowledge of nutritional labelling in order to identify the objectives needed for the formulation of an educational programme concerning the nutritional labelling of food containers. The results of the survey suggest that although white middle-income women (N = 388) lacked nutritional labelling knowledge (pass rate < 20%), they had a positive attitude towards nutritional labelling (mean 18.29 ± 4.8). As knowledge scores increased, the following factors became more positive: attitudes towards nutritional labelling (R = 0.2905, P = 0.0000), nutritional education (c2 = 40.9273, P = 0.01), and the use of nutritional labelling in the purchase of food (r = 0.2230, P = 0.0258). The results of this survey suggest a definite need for a nutritional labelling education programme in South Africa. Although the subject group could be considered representative of the top end of the South African market, a comprehensive needs assessment of the relevant target markets that make up South Africa's diverse population should be undertaken for the formulation of a national nutritional education programme. (author's)
Renegotiating boundaries: self perception and public debate on globalization and gender equality in India.
Asian Journal of Women's Studies. 2002 Dec 31; 8(4): p..Global trends towards market economies have signalled the ascendancy of neo-liberal paradigms. Their impact in the Asia-Pacific region has brought about significant social and cultural change. For women the consequences of market liberalization and deeper integration into the global economy are often complex and contradictory. Developing countries such as India have pursued policies of economic liberalization over the last decade. Based on fieldwork among lower middle class families in West Bengal, India, this paper examines the apparent paradox between women's conceptions of empowerment and the reality of the overall negative impact of structural adjustment policies on women. I focus on the worldviews of Bengali lower middle classes concerning gender equality, which are mediated by both public debate and the globalized popular media. The analysis pays particular attention to the confluence of the pro-women consumer discourses of the global market with earlier developmentalist notions of the public role of women. By exploring the ways in which women have been recast within the debates on equality and empowerment, my paper considers the implication of these narratives in enabling women to expand their opportunities and disrupt hegemonic codes. (author's)
AMERICAN DEMOGRAPHICS. 1995 Sep; 17(9):40-6.This article examines the growth of a relatively affluent middle class in developing countries around the world, with reference to the opportunities that arise for U.S. businesses seeking new markets. (ANNOTATION)
In: Population change and social policy, by Nathan Keyfitz. Cambridge, Mass., Abt Books, 1982. 125-145.Add to my documents.
Economic Development and Cultural Change. 1982 Apr; 30(3):649-70.This essay argues that the drive toward a middle class style of life in developing countries has resulted over the past 30-odd years of conscious development effort in a series of negative consequences in diverse spheres: persistence of inequality, expansion of government, neglect of agriculture, and urban bias of education and research. The class context of development, the role of the middle class, the characteristics and components of the middle class life style, and the American contribution to its development are assessed, after which the methodology and results of measuring the poor and the middle class in the US and elsewhere are considered. Measurement of the middle class can be attempted through ownership of articles such as automobiles, through energy consumption, or through income: one estimate is that the global middle class increased from 200 million in 1950 to 800 million by 1980 through the addition of Japan, Europe, and some increase in the 3rd world. The nature of middle class work and the consequences of the preference for middle class work on the part of national elites for local development efforts is described, along with the related theme of the conflict between alleviation of poverty and development of an indigenous middle class in 3rd world countries. China and Brazil are viewed as the 2 extremes in this trade-off. The incentives to massive urban migration that occur in conjunction with development policies favoring the middle class are outlined. Finally, it is argued that reaching for middle class status is an explanatory rather than a policy variable. The social mechanisms that cause the spread of the middle class to take precedence over the alleviation of poverty need to be more closely examined.