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AMERICAN ECONOMIC REVIEW. 1999 May; 89(2):281-6.This paper employs a simple theoretical model of labor allocation within rural households, given existing land arrangements in an attempt to explain why rural Chinese do not fully participate in labor migration. It first explores the mechanisms by which individual, household, and community characteristics affect the migration decision. Empirical results are then presented to substantiate the derived hypotheses. The paper further explores the question of whether the migration decision is permanent by analyzing the responses of household consumption to income from migration. (EXCERPT)
International Migration/Migrations Internationales/Migraciones Internacionales. 1997; 35(1):37-58.While a generalized utility maximization approach to migration decisionmaking is not innovative, the principal extensions of this paper involve the search for an instrument capable of measuring changes in utility levels consistent with all preferences (i.e., with all forms of utility functions), requiring only data on observed behaviour. Our approach is to construct a Location-Specific Utility Index (LSUI), whose component variables serve as proxies for the arguments in [U.S.] households' utility functions....The testable hypothesis is formulated as follows: Assuming constant household preferences and expansion of the household's feasible set over time, the household's utility level is greater following the migration decision....The results are compared with the households' migration decisions. The empirical evidence shows that migration may reasonably be modelled as a consumption activity by households to maximize utility. (SUMMARY IN FRE AND SPA) (EXCERPT)
[Serbian household structure according to socioeconomic characteristics] Sastav domacinstva Srbije po socio-ekonomskim karakteristikama.
STANOVNISTVO. 1992; 30-31:117-33.The author investigates "changes in the socio-economic structures of household and family, economic life, consumption and the general system of social values [in Serbia, Yugoslavia, since World War II]. During the process of accelerated desagrarization, intense spatial mobility related to the transfer of farmers to non-agricultural activities and to cities had a key role in changing the size of household units, their structure and social stratification. The social and demographic implications of such changes are multidimensional, affect the society as a whole and its macro institutions have a recurrent influence on the family." (SUMMARY IN ENG) (EXCERPT)
Cambridge, Massachusetts, Harvard University, Migration and Development Program, 1987 Sep. 27 p. (Migration and Development Program Discussion Paper No. 32)The marital arrangements among households in rural India were examined to explain mobility patterns. It was hypothesized that the marrying out of daughters to locationally distant, dispersed yet kinship-related households is a manifestation of implicit interhousehold contractual arrangements aimed at mitigating income risks and facilitating consumption smoothing in an environment characterized by information costs and spatially covariant risks. The study's data were drawn from a longitudinal survey of households in 3 farm villages in Southern India. Of the 115 marriages included in this sample, only 14 (12%) involved partners who were not also relatives. In 82% of the marriages involving heads of households, the head and his wife had parents with either the same dry or irrigated landholdings or with the same parental schooling levels. The close matching of marital partners with respect to origin household characteristics and the diversity and distance characterizing the marriages were consistent with the hypothesis that marital arrangements influence a household's ability to smooth its consumption when confronted with highly variable income streams. The marital status of adult women in the household, and the interhousehold bonds created by marriage, is the decisive factor contributing to income risk mitigation. Marriage with migration contributed to a reduction in variability in consumption. Households exposed to higher income risks were more likely to invest in longer distance migration-marriage arrangements. The hypothesized and observed marriage-migration patterns contradict standard models of marriage or migration that are concerned primarily with search costs and static income gains.
[Migrations in Africa: comments on the article by Professor Adepoju] Les migrations en Afrique: commentaires de l'article du Prof. Adepoju.
[Unpublished] 1986. Presented at the All-Africa Conference of Parliamentarians on Population and Development, Harare, Zimbabwe, May 12-16, 1986. 10 p.This paper contains comments on the paper delivered by A. Adepoju to the 1986 PanAfrican Conference of Parlementarians on Population and Development in Harare, Zimbabwe. Scarcely 20 years ago, economists saw migration as a sign of economic progress in which rural populations were slowly transferred to the urban industrial centers where thousands of jobs awaited them. It is now known that the speed and intensity of migration pose serious economic, social, and political problems for African countries. No country has an optimal spatial distribution of population. Natural resources, soil quality, and poles of economic growth are unevenly distributed. Migration is principally a process of adjusting settlement patterns to resources and economic conditions. What is now astounding in Africa is the huge gap between the quality of life in rural and urban areas. The rural exodus of the past 2 decades in most African countries has been due not so much to drought or other natural disasters as to insufficiency of resources in the countryside. A policy to distribute resources between rural and urban zones would constitute a true policy of population distribution. During the decade from 1980-90, the pace of urbanization in Africa is expected to decline. Current projections do not anticipate continuing economic crisis or natural disasters. Creation of urban jobs to combat unemployment in the cities has had the effect of intensifying the rural exodus, transforming the problem of urban unemployment into a permanent structural problem. Rural resettlement programs and sedentarization programs for nomads are limited solutions to problems of spatial distribution which frequently lack true political support for the extended periods necessary to ensure their success. Their greatest challenge is to provide the means of retaining the children of the original settlers so that new migratory flows do not arise from them. Policies to encourage the growth of medium sized cities in order to reduce migration to the capital are even harder to implement than rural resettlement programs, and appear to hold limited promise in Africa. Given the low degree of industrialization in Africa, few countries are capable of creating new urban growth poles offering sufficiently diversified employment to divert migrants from the capital. The observation over the past several decades in Africa has been that the larger the city, the more migrants it attracts. International migration within Africa has probably lessened in intensity since the 1970s due to economic problems in the countryside. Free circulation of population is however required if Africa is to be an economic community. The "brain drain" is a source of worry to many governments despite the shortterm benefits derived from remittances. Overall, few African governments have coherent migration policies. Only by giving migration policy priority in development plans can African countries hope to influence the distribution of their populations.
In: Reunion Nacional sobre Distribucion de la Poblacion, Migracion y Desarrollo, Guadalajara, Jalisco, 11 de mayo de 1984, [compiled by] Mexico. Consejo Nacional de Poblacion [CONAPO] Mexico City, Mexico, CONAPO, 1984. 57-79.Population policy in Mexico is closely tied to the strategy for achieving a more egalitarian society in the areas of employment and income distribution. Current migration patterns in Mexico resulted largely from the development model followed since the 1950s, which gave rise to population movements because of the growth of infrastructure and communication facilities as well as new employment opportunities in some areas and shrinking labor markets in others. Existing data on migration in Mexico is insufficient, and other sources should be developed to supplement the national population censuses. Some urban areas with relatively abundant services have attracted high concentrations of population, while in some areas industrial development has prompted population influxes which the localities are unable to manage efficiently. Goals of the National Development Plan include relocation of the population concentrated in the largest cities, reorientation of migration, and retention of population in places of origin. In 1980, over 60% of Mexico's population was classified as urban. The urban population has grown at least 3 times faster than the rural for the past 35 years. Aids to industrialization in Mexico's past development plans implied channeling into industry the economic surplus generated in the agricultural sector, public enterprises, the informal sectors of the economy, and export businesses. The principal mechanisms utilized were adjustment of relative prices of urban and rural products, containment of labor costs, and transferral of economic resources from exporters to importers through overvaluing of the currency. The industrialization process resulted in generation of employment in urban areas and concentrated opportunities for social advancement and access to basic services in cities as well, resulting in the definitive movement of millions of Mexicans into the cities while the rural areas had increasing difficulties retaining their populations. The overall orientation of the World Population Plan of Action coincides in its basic aspects with the central strategies of the Mexican National Development Plan. The Mexican Plan proposes to address problems of migration by dealing with their structural causes, and also emphasizes development of efficient links between the national and international economies. The Plan recognizes that a better regional distribution of productive resources is needed, as well as a reorientation of production in favor of mass consumption. 2 lines of action are intended to influence population distribution: integral rural development and decentralization of production and social welfare activities. More equitable terms of exchange between rural and urban areas will be required in order to improve rural living standards. Organizations such as the National Employment Service are among the legal and administrative instruments which are expected to help implement new strategies.
[Using demographic statistics in market studies and specifically for the business planning] Utilisation des statistiques demographiques dans les etudes de marche et specifiquement pour les plans des entreprises.
In: Utilisation des statistiques demographiques au Cameroun. Actes d'une Seminaire tenu du 16 au 19 Juillet 1984 a Yaounde. Yaounde, Cameroon, Ministere du Plan et de l'Amenagement du Territoire, 1985 Jul. 308-32.This article assesses the potential use of demographic statistics in determining the volume and structure of consumption through market studies and the sources of demographic data used in market studies, and presents concrete examples of demographic data use in market studies in Cameroon. The age and sex structure of the population influences the availability of labor and the extent of the market for particular products, while the socioeconomic structure is related to income and purchasing power. Population movements of particular interest to business planning include rural-urban migration, change in the numbers of households or household size, and change in household budgets. Population growth, determined by prevailing patterns of fertility, mortality, and migration, is the most important determinant of total consumption of many products. The 3 major data sources for market studies are population censuses, demographic surveys, and civil registration systems. Censuses furnish exhaustive statistics on individual and collective characteristics for population units of all sizes, serve as bases for sampling studies, and are useful for study of population movement. Budget-consumption studies with demographic content are the usual method of determining effective consumption. The budget-consumption survey underway in Cameroon is expected to yield data on a wide range of household expenditures. A well-functioning civil registration system combined with accurate knowledge of migratory trends would permit calculation of the population growth rate. Concrete examples of market studies undertaken in Cameroon using available demographic data include a footwear manufacturer that used demographic data to help estimate the proportion of shoes to offer for different ages and sizes of feet, a producer of school notebooks who used data on population structure to determine the number of each type of notebook to produce, and a life insurance company which needed to structure rates to fit Cameroon, a country with few actuaries. A cigarette company and a brewery requiring data for planning of distribution and possible expansion are other examples of enterprises requiring demographic data. Limited availability of official statistics and out-of-date data forced each company to some extent to develop supplementary data collection systems.
[Third World cities: points of accumulation, centers of distribution] Les villes du Tiers Monde: theatres d'accumulation, centres de diffusion.
Tiers-Monde. 1985 Oct-Dec; 26(104):823-40.Attention was called over 3 decades ago to the very rapid growth of Third World cities and the significance of the differences between their patterns of urbanization and those of industrialized countries. Their demographic growth occurred much faster and depended much more heavily on high fertility, their economies were geared more to export of raw materials than to manufacturing and were unable to create massive numbers of jobs to absorb the growing labor force except in the unproductive tertiary sector, and it appeared unlikely that they would be able to produce entrepreneurial classes of their own. Several economic developments during the 1970s affected the world economy and the patterns of urbanization of the Third World: the decline of the principal capitalist economies and the multiple increases in the price of oil, the floating exchange rate, the considerable increase in consumer goods, and the increasing costs of labor in industrialized countries, among others, created new conditions. World economic interdependence, international control of investment and exchange, and volume and mobility of capital increased at a time of rapid economic growth in some Third World countries, especially those whose governments took an aggressive role in promoting growth and investment. Some Third World cities now seem to be developing according to a more western model, but the same cannot be said of all Third World countries, and international economic evolution appears to have led to increasing polarization between countries as well as within them. The 1 domain where a certain convergence has occurred is consumption, beginning with the privileged classes and filtering to the lower income groups. Consumption of collective and individual consumer goods, which is concentrated in the largest cities, increases dependence on imports, technology, knowledge, and usually debt. The modern productive sector and its distribution activities become implanted in the cities to such a degree that it becomes more and more difficult for the consumption needs of regional cities and rural areas to be satisfied except through manufactured products from the capitalist sector of the principal city or through imports from industrial countries. Despite the fact that some Third World cities will be enormous by the year 2000 and that their social structures and labor forces will not closely resemble those of European cities, the thesis of "pseudourbanization" appears invalid for several reasons: the model of sectorial changes in the European labor force was not followed by the industrializing countries of North America; some Third World countries (excluding India and China) appear able to absorb most of their surplus rural population into the modern sector, and Third World cities appear less and less to be merely centers of culture. New research during the 1970s on Third World urbanization contributed several crucial elements to the analysis: recognition that insertion of developing countries into the international economic order has been a major influence on their urbanization patterns, appreciation of the role of migration in urbanization, realization of the potential role of the state in mitigating spatial and structural inequalities created by the urbanization process, and recognition of the need for more detailed microeconomic studies and construction of more elaborate models of Third World economies.
[Migration as an indicator for the study of urban centers in Brazil] A migracao como indicador para o estudo de aglomeracoes urbanas no Brasil.
Revista Brasileira de Geografia. 1981 Jan-Mar; 43(1):65-85.Add to my documents.
Washington, D.C., Northeast-Midwest Institute, 1981. iv, 111 p.Add to my documents.
Migrant behavior and the effects of regional prices: aspects of migrant selection in Colombia [tables]
[Unpublished] 1983. Presented at the 52nd Annual Meeting of the Population Association of America, Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania, April 14-16, 1983. 3 p.If the preferences of potential migrants differ for activities and the structure of prices of these activities differ across regions, price variation may help to explain both who migrates and to where, and systematic behavioral differences between migrants and nonmigrants in consumption and investment, particularly as reflected in family size, child schooling, and child health. Colombia and Brazil are considered in the empirical analysis because these diverse countries involve traditional and dynamic frontier rural areas as well as urban centers where relative prices discourage high fertility and encourage schooling and health investments. (author's)