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INTERNATIONAL DEMOGRAPHICS. 1986 Oct; 5(10):1-7.Montreal, one of the most civilized and cosmopolitan of North American cities, is the 2nd city in Canada in size and the largest French-speaking city. Of the 2.8 million people who lived there at census time in 1981, 45% chose both French and English as their official language, 41% chose French, and 1% used some other language. Fully 68% of Montreal residents said their mother tongue was French, and 68% also said they spoke French at home. The importance of bilingualism to the business culture of Montreal cannot be overemphasized. In the last decade, French-Canadians have taken an increasingly stronger role in business. Upper-middle-class suburbs that as little as 10 years ago had only 10% of their residents who were of French-Canadian descent now have as many as 50-60% of their residents who are French-Canadians. Most residents of Montreal willingly learn 2 languages. US firms should assume that all representatives who are sent to Montreal should be fluent in both French and English. Montreal's 2,828,349 people create a population density of 1004.9 persons per square kilometer. Montreal has 665 census tracts, which are described in the Metropolitan Atlas Series. Nearly 62% of Montreal's population fall between the ages of 20 and 64--the prime working ages. Although Montreal is 79% Catholic, it does not have the high fertility levels often associated with Catholic areas. There were 1,026,920 households in Montreal in 1981 with an average of 2.7 persons per household. 71% of these were census family households. Montreal had 1,026,895 occupied dwellings in 1985 with an average of 5 rooms each. About 71% of the population aged 15 and over that were not in school were in the labor force; 41% of the labor force was female. The largest employment category for men was manufacturing (16%) and the largest for women was clerical work (39%).
INTERNATIONAL DEMOGRAPHICS. 1986 Jun; 5(6):1-5, 7.As Canada's capital, Ottawa's main business is government. The City of Ottawa is a low-density residential community with an abundance of open space. The unprecedented development boom in the City of Ottawa's industrial, commercial, and residential sectors since 1981 reversed the city's declining population trend and slowed the continuous loss of inner-city residents to suburban neighborhoods and new communities outside the city. Ottawa's population is skewed toward an older population because professionals migrate to the city for work and do not leave as they age. In 1981, 8% of Ottawa's population was over 65 years old; by 2001 this percentage is expected to jump to 20%. Although Ottawa's population declined from 1961 to 1981, the total number of households grew at about 4% annually. The trend toward small household formation is expected to continue with the traditional family taking more and more of a minority position. Average household size declined from 3.2 in 1971 to an estimated 2.2 in 1984. There are approximately 147,100 dwelling units in the City of Ottawa of which 12,000 are nonconventional. A realistic density, excluding government-owned public and open space lands, is 15.6 housing units per acre. About half of all dwelling units are low density. By 1984, the city counted 69 shopping centers with over 4 million square feet of floor space. Ottawa's major employer is the federal government, with about 40% of all jobs within the city being civil service. Employment participation rates have increased signficiantly at just over 70% in 1983, up from 62% in 1971, due largely to increased participation by women. The City of Ottawa leads surrounding areas in per capita income due primarily to the increase in the number of young professionals who make up 1 and 2-person households.
Washington, D.C., Worldwatch Institute, 1998 Sep. 89 p. (Worldwatch Paper No. 143)This study looks at 16 dimensions or effects of population growth in order to gain a better perspective on how future population trends are likely to affect the human prospect. The evidence gathered here indicates that the rapid population growth prevailing in a majority of the world's countries is not going to continue much longer. Either countries will get their act together, shifting quickly to smaller families, or death rates will rise from one or more [stresses such as AIDS, ethnic conflicts, or water shortages]. The sixteen topics are grain production, fresh water, biodiversity, climate change, oceanic fish catch, jobs, cropland, forests, housing, energy, urbanization, natural recreation areas, education, waste, meat production, and income. (EXCERPT)
Report of the ESCAP/UNDP Expert Group Meeting on Population, Environment and Sustainable Development: 13-18 May 1991, Jomtien, Thailand.
Bangkok, Thailand, United Nations, Economic and Social Commission for Asia and the Pacific [ESCAP], 1991. iv, 41 p. (Asian Population Studies Series No. 106)The 1991 meeting of the Economic and Social Commission for Asia and the Pacific considered the following topics: the interrelationships between population and natural resources, between population and the environment and poverty, and between population growth and consumption patterns, technological changes and sustainable development; the social aspects of the population-environment nexus (the effect of social norms and cultural practices); public awareness and community participation in population and environmental issues; and integration of population, environment, and development policies. The organization of the meeting is indicated. Recommendations were made. The papers on land, water, and air were devoted to a potential analytical model and the nature of the interlocking relationship between population, environment, and development. Dynamic balance was critical. 1 paper was presented on population growth and distribution, agricultural production and rural poverty; the practice of a simpler life style was the future challenge of the world. Several papers focused on urbanization trends and distribution and urban management policies. Only 1 paper discussed rural-urban income and consumption inequality and the consequences; some evidence suggests that increased income and equity is associated with improved resource management. Carrying capacity was an issue. The technological change paper reported that current technology contributed to overproduction and overconsumption and was environmentally unfriendly. The social norms paper referred to economic conditions that turned people away from sound environmental, cultural norms and practices. A concept paper emphasized women's contribution to humanism which goes beyond feminism; another presented an analytical summary of problems. 2 papers on public awareness pointed out the failures and the Indonesian experience with media. 1 paper provided a perspective on policy and 2 on the methodology of integration. The recommendations provided broad goals and specific objectives, a holistic and conceptual framework for research, information support, policies, resources for integration, and implementation arrangements. All activities must be guided by 1) unity of mankind, 2) harmony between population and natural resources, and 3) improvement in the human condition.
WORLD DEVELOPMENT. 1992 Sep; 20(9):1,279-312.The authors critique the work of Amartya K. Sen on the consequences of China's rural reforms of the late 1970s and early 1980s, and specifically his contention that these reforms resulted in an increase in mortality. They conclude that the reforms brought substantial gains in welfare for most Chinese citizens in the form of improved diets, better housing, and new items of consumption, and that "post-Mao China saw a geographically widespread decline in death rates, compared to the late Mao years, and little change from the exceptionally low figures achieved in the late 1970s." A reply by Sen is included (pp. 1,305-12). (EXCERPT)
AMERICAN ECONOMIC REVIEW. 1991 Dec; 81(5):1,276-94.The effects of the changing U.S. age distribution on various macroeconomic equations are examined in this paper. The equations include consumption, housing-investment, money-demand, and labor-force-participation equations. There seems to be enough variance in the age-distribution data to allow reasonably precise estimates of the effects of the age distribution on the macro variables. (EXCERPT)
The consequences of temporary emigration and remittance expenditure from rural and urban settlements: evidence from Jordan.
In: The impact of international migration on developing countries, edited by Reginald Appleyard. Paris, France, OECD Publications, 1989. 109-25. (Development Centre Seminars)This paper investigates the characteristics of temporary emigration for employment and the nature of remittance expenditure within 1 country of labor emigration to the Arab world, Jordan. It compares 2 independent household expenditure surveys conducted at opposite ends of the settlement continuum, 1 in the village of Sammu' (31 households in 1985) in northwest Jordan and the other in Marka (40 households in 1984), a suburb of the capital Amman. The results of the 2 surveys reinforce the argument that international migration is associated with non-productive investment of remittances in consumer goods and in the construction sector. In an economy such as Jordan's, this pattern of remittance expenditure encourages very marked geographical changes in both villages and large urban settlements, but the morphological and functional changes that occur vary in significance according to urban hierarchy. The common link in all scales of settlement is that emerging patterns are determined by consumer rather than by producer behavior, resulting in patterns of settlement change that are distinctly different from those found in settlement systems whose dynamics are governed by local patterns of production.
Oxford, England, Clarendon Press, 1988. ix, 221 p.Most of this book's nine chapters, which are by various authors, were originally prepared for a seminar on the economic consequences of changing population composition in developed countries, organized by an IUSSP committee and held in Laxenburg, Austria, in December 1983. The focus of the book is on the impact that age distribution irregularities have had on the United Kingdom, Israel, Japan, and the United States, where unusually large generations experience educational disadvantages, reduced wages, and increased levels of unemployment. Also considered are the effects of fluctuations in demographic aging on providing for the elderly, questions of intergenerational equity, and the long-term implications of demographic aging on the lifetime welfare of the populations of developed countries. Other topics covered include the impact of changing household living arrangements on the demand for housing and of changing age distribution on consumption demand.
Remittances of Indian migrants to the Middle East: an assessment with special reference to migrants from Kerala State.
[Unpublished, 1985]. ii, 61 p. (DP/RILM/4.)The future course of remittance inflows to India from the Middle East is intimately linked to what happens to the Indian work force in the Middle East. In 1979-1982, the absolute level of outflow fell from 270,000 in 1981 to 225,000 in 1984. Given the prospects, both medium and long term, of world oil prices and oil exports from the Middle East, it is quite likely that the rate of growth of both investments and output in the labor-importing countries of the Middle East will be much slower. The composition of future investments in these countries will also change to more capital intensive industries away from construction. In the next few years there may continue to be some demand for additional labor, but in the longer run workers may return home in large numbers. The demand for construction will slow down, and the demand for services will rise. Which of the labor-exporting countries will be able to respond appropriately to this changing pattern of demand for skills from the Middle East is a question that cannot be easily answered. Labor-exporting countries need flexibility in adjusting their manpower supply to changing patterns of skill demand from the Middle East. The flow of remittances form Indian workers in the Middle East has been substantial. Although the government of India offers a number of incentives for the placement of remittances, the amounts invested in these firms and companies has never added up to more than 1/5 of any year's total remittances. Individual migrant workers have priorities of their own to follow. No amount of inducement for other forms of investment can easily deflect a migrant from his preference for land. Incentive measures may have to be made much more effective and wide ranging.
OBSERVATIONS ET DIAGNOSTICS ECONOMIQUES. 1986 Jul; (16):217-34.The implications of current changes in marriage patterns in France are explored. The author notes that the growing popularity of consensual union has not significantly affected the homogamy of couples and the transfer of resources between generations. However, the social and economic consequences of these changes in nuptiality are significant, involving a decline in fertility, changes in the demand for employment, increased housing needs, changes in social security, and changes in consumer demands. (ANNOTATION)
Economic Development and Cultural Change. 1986 Jan; 34(2):245-62.The authors analyze aspects of Palestinian demographic change in the West Bank and the Gaza Strip during the years 1922-1982. "The research is initiated in Section II with a brief historical overview of demographic change in the territories, including comparison of fertility, natality, and mortality during periods of Jordanian and Israeli administration. Section III focuses on composition, destination, and local demographic impacts of Palestinian migration. In Section IV, econometric evaluation of migratory determinants is undertaken." Data are from official Jordanian, Kuwaiti, Israeli, and Palestinian sources and from other published literature. The significance of migration in explaining demographic trends in the region is noted. Migratory movements in the wake of the 1948 and 1967 wars are shown to be similar in magnitude to those observed during periods of relative political stability. The authors also suggest that "consumption patterns, housing development, and indices of employment opportunity in local and foreign labor markets are highly significant in an explanation of Palestinian emigration over the post-1967 period." Population growth forecasts and policy implications are briefly considered. (EXCERPT)
International Demographics. 1985 Dec; 4(12):1-4.This discussion of the Netherlands covers the country's cities and regions, population growth, households and families, housing, contruction, and spatial planning; ethnicity and religion; education; labor force and income; consumption; and transport and communications. As a small and mineral poor nation with a seafaring tradition, the Netherlands survives on foreign trade. In 1983, total export earnings amounted to nearly 62% of the entire national income. Over 72% of Dutch exports go to other member countries of the European Economic Community (EEC), but imports are more diversified, with 47% originating outside the EEC. Since 1848, the Netherlands has been a constitutional monarchy with a parliamentary form of government. As such, it is one of the most stable democracies in the world. The main administrative units are the 11 provinces, of which Noord-Holland and Zuid-Holland are the most populous and economically most important. Amsterdam remains the commercial center of the country, but its role as the principal port city has been taken over by Rotterdam. No community has more than 700,000 inhabitants, but the country as a whole is highly urbanized because of the large numbers of medium-sized cities. In 1983 the population of the Netherlands totaled 14.34 million, compared to 5.10 million at the turn of the century. In 1965, the total fertility rate was 3.0. The death rate has virtually stabilized at 8/1000. The Dutch life expectancy stands at 72.7 years for men and 79.4 for women (1983). Natural increase has already dropped to 0.4% a year. Apart from the slight impact of net immigration, the positive growth rate reflects the large proportion (53%) of the population in its reproductive years. Mean household sizes in the 11 provinces vary from 2.5 in Noord-Holland (in 1981) to nearly 3 in Overijssel and Noord-Brabant, whereas the proportion of 1 person households ranges from 16% in Drenthe and 17% in the somewhat traditionalist southern provinces of Limburg and Noord-Brabant to 27% in Noord-Holland and 28% in Groningen. Only 26% of the Dutch own their own homes. The Netherlands has historically been a nation of little ethnic, religious, or cultural conflict. The central government finances education at all levels, making education and science the 2nd largest budget item (19%), preceded only by welare and social policy (22%). In 1983 the economically active population consisted of 3.8 million men and nearly 2 million women.
American Demographics. 1984 Apr; 6(4):16-21.Add to my documents.
American Demographics. 1981 May; 3(5):18-19, 44.Add to my documents.
American Demographics. 1981 Feb; 3(2):22-23.Add to my documents.
In: The women's movement: agenda for the '80s. Washington, D.C., Congressional Quarterly, 1981. 61-80.Add to my documents.
Baltimore, Md., Johns Hopkins University Press, 1980. 474 p.Add to my documents.
[Unpublished] 1980. Paper presented at the Population Association of America Annual Meeting, Denver, Colo., Apr. 10-12, 1980. 39 p.Add to my documents.
Washington, D.C., World Bank, 1981. xii, 242 p. (World Bank staff working paper, no. 461)Add to my documents.
International Migration Review. 1980 Fall; 14(3):342-56.Using data gathered in an early twentieth century study of consumer expenditure patterns, this paper presents several econometric tests of the assertion that the consumption behavior of immigrants differed markedly from that of native Americans. (author's)
In: Goldscheider C, ed. Urban migrants in developing nations: patterns and problems of adjustment. Boulder, Colorado, Westview Press, 1983. 47-90.Discussion focuses on the adjustments of migrants to Seoul, Korea, analyzing the variety of ways migrants differ from lifetime residents and how recent and longterm migrants differ from each other. The socioeconomic characteristics of movers and nonmovers include: father's occupation, age, sex, education, and marital status. Move related variables apply only to migrants and include: farm or nonfarm background, rural or urban origins of the last move, previous exposure to urban areas, age sex marital status at the time of the move, and whether the move was alone or with family. Adjustment was analyzed in terms of labor force and occupational patterns, employment in modern and large industries, income, consumption patterns, housing, social and personal situation, organizational and friendship networks, and traditionalism and personal satisfaction. Recent migrants to Seoul have approximately the same levels of employment as longterm migrants, 89.6 versus 90.6%. Among recent migrants there are more persons in school than unemployed; among longterm migrants there are considerably fewer enrolled in school, with most unemployed. Lifetime urban residents have fewer persons employed, less than 80% of the total, with both higher school enrollment and higher unemployment. The different age compositions of these migrant residence categories account in part for the observed differences. Only 37% of recent migrants are employed in modern industries compared to over 50% of lifetime urban residents. Longterm inmigrants resemble most closely the lifetime urban residents, with 48% in modern enterprises. Over 57% of those with prior urban exposure are employed in modern industries. Income differences have an important role in the adjustment of migrants in the urban setting as a consequence of employment patterns and as a condition for obtaining consumer objects. There are significant differences in the personal income of migrants compared to lifetime urban residents. When the control variables of age, education, and father's occupation are introduced these effects are statistically reduced. Overall, recent migrants show ownership of considerably fewer objects than both lifetime urban residents and longterm migrants. Both migrant groups are relatively disadvantaged in the quality of their housing compared to the lifetime urban residents, but the disadvantage is very slight. Of all the dimensions of social and personal adjustment considered, membership in formal or informal organizations is most clearly related to potential migrant marginality in the urban structure. The differential shown is very pronounced and the standard of lifetime urban residents is approached only by educationally motivated migrants and those with some prior urban exposure, yet the pattern of social participation varies more by sociodemographic characteristics than by migrant recency. No evidence exists in support of the hypothesis that migrants to the cities compare unfavorably with the lifetime urban residents in their traditional attitudes. Age and education account for most of the observed differences in traditional attitudes.
The adjustment of migrants in large cities of less developed countries: some comparative observations.
In: Goldscheider C, ed. Urban migrants in developing nations: patterns and problems of adjustment. Boulder, Colorado, Westview Press, 1983. 233-53.Results of 4 case studies of Indonesia, South Korea, Iran, and Colombia may be compared along 3 broad dimensions of migrant adjustment to urban places: labor force, including employment and occupational patterns; housing, consumption, and income; and social and psychological elements of adjustment. Occupational changes and the economic mobility of migrants have important consequences for other forms of urban modern adjustments. Better jobs, higher incomes, quality housing, and increased consumer consumption are directly linked. These, in turn, are connected to social and social-psychological adjustments as well as to educational increases for the children of migrants. Occupational changes thus become the pivot around which migration and modernization revolve. Whatever the specific pattern, the relationships between migration and occupation are intertwined in complex ways with the economic development and social modernization of less developed countries. Comparative findings on occupational prestige lead to 3 conclusions: migrants are not particularly disadvantaged in terms of job prestige relative to comparable lifetime urban residents; occupational differences between migrants and natives reflect the background disadvantages of migrants, rather than the impact of migration per se; and over time, migrants attain the occupational levels that are consistent with their skills, education, and experience. These findings, almost without exception, emerge from all 4 case studies. In Korea and Iran, some elements of urban housing and neighborhoods quality are unrelated to migrant status. In Seoul, migrants and natives live in the same quality neighborhoods, consistent with their income and educational levels. Neither recency of migration nor migrant status was specifically associated with neighborhood quality. Parallel findings were reported for migrants to Tehran. 2 other measures of housing showed significant differences between migrants and lifetime urban residents: number of rooms per person and home ownership. Clearly migration status has a significant effect on some aspects of housing quality in Seoul and Tehran. Migrants to Surabaya are no worse off in terms of housing than those born in city. All migrants seem to improve their housing over time, yet 2 subgroups of migrants are particularly disadvantaged: migrants of farm background and the low income self employed. Regarding personal adjustment, defined in terms of traditionalism and satisfaction indexes, the case studies for Korea, Indonesia, and Colombia show little variation among migrant groups or between migrants and lifetime urban residents. The comparative examination of these studies suggests several interrelated, yet independent, dimensions of adjustment. Migrants adjust in some ways and not in other, while some migrants adjust better than others. Adjustment varies with the social, economic, political, and cultural context of urban places and changes over time. The overwhelming impression gained from these studies is that migration is positive for the migrants.
Geographical Analysis. 1983 Oct; 15(4):287-304.The independent but linked traditions of stock adjustment models of residential mobility and the hedonic theory of housing demand are brought together. The principal research findings of these traditions are reviewed, an application of the random utility model to housing choice and mobility decisions is proposed, and preliminary empirical results based on retrospective household surveys conducted in South Bend, Indiana, are reported. (author's)
American Demographics. 1982 Jun; 4(6):16-19, 42.Add to my documents.
International Demographics. 1983 Dec; 2(12):4-9.Add to my documents.