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  1. 1

    Causes and consequences of low fertility in Shanghai.

    Qi SJ

    [Unpublished] 1998 Aug. [10] p.

    After the 1980’s, the total fertility rate of women in China had noticeable change in the early 90's, that was, TFR reached 2.0 in 1992 and crude birth rate of China continued steadily decreasing , especially in the ten provinces and municipalities like Beijing , Tianjin and Shanghai due to starting family planning program. Shanghai is the first region to conduct family planning program in China. It is the only region which continued conducting family planning program without break since 1960's . The crude birth rate and total fertility rate of Shanghai is the lowest in China over a long period of time. The TFR remained the low level of 1.3 -1.4 in the 80's, which was the lowest level among the known nations and regions in the world. The crude birth rate of the registered population was 0.65 percent in 1993, and crude death rate was 0.728 percent and natural growth rate was - 0.078 percent. This negative natural growth rate of Shanghai's a domiciliary registered population marks the new stage of population dynamics and it is the outcome of the long term participation and painstaking efforts of local government and numerous social workers including family planning workers . The government of Shanghai's municipality paid great attention on population control in the early 1950's. The hard work and quality service provided by the numerous family planning workers promoted directly the transition of child bearing norm and fertility pattern, meanwhile the tremendous social-economic development and urbanization provided good environment for the demographic modernization of Shanghai. The fertility and mortality patterns of registered population of Shanghai was similar to that of western developed countries in the early 80' s. The negative population growth will come sooner or later in other cities like Beijing and Tianjin etc. Therefore the research on the negative population growth of Shanghai and measures taken will provide share to the dynamics of population changes in other cities of China. (excerpt)
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  2. 2

    Television, value constructs, and reproductive behavior in Brazilian "excluded" communities. [Televisión, construcción de valores y conducta reproductiva en las comunidades "excluidas" de Brasil]

    Rios-Neto EL

    [Unpublished] 2001. Presented at the 24th International Union for the Scientific Study of Population [IUSSP] Conference, Salvador, Brazil, August 2001. [66] p.

    This paper is motivated by the unintended consequences hypothesis, developed by Faria (1988) and Faria and Potter (1990). They argue that the policies implemented by the Brazilian government after the military coup of 1964, combined with fast economic growth in the seventies -- which enhanced the consolidation of a consumer society -- played a major role in the fertility decline in Brazil. The argument is based on the fact that the military regime developed some state policies which did not intend to control population growth or establish a family planning policy. Yet, the main unintended consequence of these policies was a sharp decline in fertility. Four state policies were relevant in this process: telecommunications, consumer credit, “medicalization”, and social security coverage. The first two policies are more important to this paper. The development of a telecommunication policy aimed the country’s geographic integration through satellite signals. This policy was crucial to the geographic diffusion of television in Brazil. The prices charged to the TV networks for the transmission of signals were highly subsidized. The most important commercial television network, Globo, benefited from this process. It became competitive, modern, and a long time leader in audience ratings. Due to this policy, almost all localities in Brazil received TV signals at some point between 1965 and 1990. (excerpt)
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