Important: The POPLINE website will retire on September 1, 2019. Click here to read about the transition.

Your search found 45 Results

  1. 1

    The demand for non-relative child care among preschoolers: a double-hurdle approach.

    Joesch JM; Hiedemann BG

    Seattle, Washington, University of Washington, Seattle Population Research Center, 1997 Dec. [49] p. (Seattle Population Research Center Working Paper No. 98-4)

    Survey data indicate that many parents do not use non-parental care for their young children, even when both parents work. Previous studies of the demand for child care assumed that all parents respond to financial incentives. Since non-consumption may be the result of social, psychological or ethical considerations and unconnected with price and income levels, this assumption may not be appropriate. To assess the sensitivity of child care demand estimates to assumptions about reasons for non-consumption, we estimate the demand for non-relative care for preschoolers with double-hurdle, tobit and dominance models. The results suggest that both financial and non-financial considerations lead to zero child care consumption, that the decision to use any care differs from the decision of how many hours of care to use and that estimates vary by the child's age. (author's)
    Add to my documents.
  2. 2

    The metro area of Montreal.

    American Demographics

    INTERNATIONAL DEMOGRAPHICS. 1986 Oct; 5(10):1-7.

    Montreal, one of the most civilized and cosmopolitan of North American cities, is the 2nd city in Canada in size and the largest French-speaking city. Of the 2.8 million people who lived there at census time in 1981, 45% chose both French and English as their official language, 41% chose French, and 1% used some other language. Fully 68% of Montreal residents said their mother tongue was French, and 68% also said they spoke French at home. The importance of bilingualism to the business culture of Montreal cannot be overemphasized. In the last decade, French-Canadians have taken an increasingly stronger role in business. Upper-middle-class suburbs that as little as 10 years ago had only 10% of their residents who were of French-Canadian descent now have as many as 50-60% of their residents who are French-Canadians. Most residents of Montreal willingly learn 2 languages. US firms should assume that all representatives who are sent to Montreal should be fluent in both French and English. Montreal's 2,828,349 people create a population density of 1004.9 persons per square kilometer. Montreal has 665 census tracts, which are described in the Metropolitan Atlas Series. Nearly 62% of Montreal's population fall between the ages of 20 and 64--the prime working ages. Although Montreal is 79% Catholic, it does not have the high fertility levels often associated with Catholic areas. There were 1,026,920 households in Montreal in 1981 with an average of 2.7 persons per household. 71% of these were census family households. Montreal had 1,026,895 occupied dwellings in 1985 with an average of 5 rooms each. About 71% of the population aged 15 and over that were not in school were in the labor force; 41% of the labor force was female. The largest employment category for men was manufacturing (16%) and the largest for women was clerical work (39%).
    Add to my documents.
  3. 3

    The city of Ottawa.

    American Demographics

    INTERNATIONAL DEMOGRAPHICS. 1986 Jun; 5(6):1-5, 7.

    As Canada's capital, Ottawa's main business is government. The City of Ottawa is a low-density residential community with an abundance of open space. The unprecedented development boom in the City of Ottawa's industrial, commercial, and residential sectors since 1981 reversed the city's declining population trend and slowed the continuous loss of inner-city residents to suburban neighborhoods and new communities outside the city. Ottawa's population is skewed toward an older population because professionals migrate to the city for work and do not leave as they age. In 1981, 8% of Ottawa's population was over 65 years old; by 2001 this percentage is expected to jump to 20%. Although Ottawa's population declined from 1961 to 1981, the total number of households grew at about 4% annually. The trend toward small household formation is expected to continue with the traditional family taking more and more of a minority position. Average household size declined from 3.2 in 1971 to an estimated 2.2 in 1984. There are approximately 147,100 dwelling units in the City of Ottawa of which 12,000 are nonconventional. A realistic density, excluding government-owned public and open space lands, is 15.6 housing units per acre. About half of all dwelling units are low density. By 1984, the city counted 69 shopping centers with over 4 million square feet of floor space. Ottawa's major employer is the federal government, with about 40% of all jobs within the city being civil service. Employment participation rates have increased signficiantly at just over 70% in 1983, up from 62% in 1971, due largely to increased participation by women. The City of Ottawa leads surrounding areas in per capita income due primarily to the increase in the number of young professionals who make up 1 and 2-person households.
    Add to my documents.
  4. 4

    The state of the world's women 1985: World Conference to Review and Appraise the Achievements of the United Nations Decade for Women, Equality, Development and Peace, Nairobi, Kenya, July 15-26, 1985.

    New Internationalist Publications

    [Unpublished] 1985. 19 p.

    This report, based on results of a questionnaire completed by 121 national governments as well as independent research by UN agencies, assesses the status of the world's women at the end of the UN Decade for Women in the areas of the family, agriculture, industrialization, health, education, and politics. Women are estimated to perform 2/3 of the world's work, receive 1/10 of its income and own less than 1/100 of its property. The findings revealed that women do almost all the world's domestic work, which combined with their additional work outside the home means that most women work a double day. Women grow about 1/2 the world's food but own very little land, have difficulty obtaining credit, and are overlooked by agricultural advisors and projects. Women constitute 1/3 of the world's official labor force but are concentrated in the lowest paid occupations and are more vulnerable to unemployment than men. Although there are signs that the wage gap is closing slightly, women still earn less than 3/4 of the wage of men doing similar work. Women provide more health care than do health services, and have been major beneficiaries of the global shift in priorities to primary health care. The average number of children desired by the world's women has dropped from 6 to 4 in 1 generation. Although a school enrollment boom is closing the gap between the sexes, women illiterates outnumber men by 3 to 2. 90% of countries now have organizations promoting the advancement of women, but women are still greatly underrepresented in national decision making because of their poorer educations, lack of confidence, and greater workload. The results repeatedly point to the major underlying cause of women's inequality: their domestic role of wife and mother, which consumes about 1/2 of their time and energy, is unpaid, and is undervalued. The emerging picture of the importance and magnitude of the roles women play in society has been reflected in growing concern for women among governments and the community at large, and is responsible for the positive achievements of the decade in better health care and more employment and educational opportunities. Equality for women will require that they have equal rights, responsibilities, and opportunities in every area of life.
    Add to my documents.
  5. 5

    The determinants of female headship in Jamaica: results from a structural model.

    Handa S


    The determinants of female family headship in Jamaica are examined, with particular reference to the economic forces that lead to female headship. "The first section provides a sociological review of the Jamaican family structure, Section II outlines an economic model of household headship and considers some of its testable implications, Sections III and IV discuss the sample and present the results of the estimation procedure, and Section V concludes the discussion." The author concludes that "estimates from the structural probit model provide support for a theory that outside opportunities, or threat points, influence the household formation decision of adult women in Jamaica. An increase in the expected level of their own consumption and their children's welfare, associated with being a household head, significantly increases the probability of becoming a head." (EXCERPT)
    Add to my documents.
  6. 6

    1989 report on the world social situation.

    United Nations. Department of International Economic and Social Affairs

    New York, New York, United Nations, 1989. xi, 126 p. (ST/ESA/213; E/CN.5/1989/2)

    The introductory section of this report on the world social situation describes the existing setting for social development, slow economic growth and scarce resources worldwide during the 1980s, and principal themes. The report was prepared by the Office for Development Research and Policy Analysis of the Department of International Economic and Social Affairs of the UN Secretariat, with contributions from the Center for Social Development and Humanitarian Affairs of the UN Office in Vienna. It explores the changing structure of the family; the advancement of women; food consumption and supply; inequality and poverty; new technologies and their social impact; threats to the environment; social development, security, and disarmament; international cooperation against drug abuse, international terrorism, and AIDS; migrants and refugees; and changing perceptions regarding social development issues. An annex considers the changing social situation in Africa.
    Add to my documents.
  7. 7

    Demographic dynamics and consumption planning.

    Ketkar KW; Ketkar SL

    In: Population and development planning. Proceedings of the United Nations International Symposium on Population and Development Planning, Riga, Latvian Soviet Socialist Republic, 4-8 December 1989, [compiled by] United Nations. Department of Economic and Social Development. New York, New York, United Nations, 1993. 168-79. (ST/ESA/SER.R/116)

    The objective was to forge a link between demographic dynamics and the structure of consumption for the United States economy by taking into account the effect of changes in 4 demographic variables: 1) the region of location of the household; 2) its size; 3) its age; and 4) the employment status of the woman. Changes in these demographic characteristics of the households are projected by using the log-linear model. The expenditure functions are estimated for various items of personal consumption expenditures. The cross sectional data from the 1972-1973 Consumer Expenditure Survey conducted by the United States Bureau of Labor Statistics (1980) are used for this purpose. Nearly 20,000 households participated in this survey, during either the 1972 or 1973 calendar years, relating current expenditures on 1651 distinct items of consumption that were matched with 80 categories of personal consumption in the national income accounts. For the United States economy, it is expected that the share of household expenditures will shift away from basic necessities of life, such as food at home and shelter, in favor of items that improve the quality of life or save time, such as restaurant meals and recreation. There will be an increased demand for services, leisure goods and production in favor of non-durable consumer goods. The output of the agricultural sector and of durable consumer and intermediate goods is projected to suffer a decline in the United States. Thus, the methodology proposed in this paper can be used to build a link between demographic dynamics and the structure of production of an economy through changes in the pattern of consumption expenditures.
    Add to my documents.
  8. 8

    [Serbian household structure according to socioeconomic characteristics] Sastav domacinstva Srbije po socio-ekonomskim karakteristikama.

    Raduski N

    STANOVNISTVO. 1992; 30-31:117-33.

    The author investigates "changes in the socio-economic structures of household and family, economic life, consumption and the general system of social values [in Serbia, Yugoslavia, since World War II]. During the process of accelerated desagrarization, intense spatial mobility related to the transfer of farmers to non-agricultural activities and to cities had a key role in changing the size of household units, their structure and social stratification. The social and demographic implications of such changes are multidimensional, affect the society as a whole and its macro institutions have a recurrent influence on the family." (SUMMARY IN ENG) (EXCERPT)
    Add to my documents.
  9. 9
    Peer Reviewed

    Women, insurance capital, and economic development in rural India.

    Rosenzweig MR

    JOURNAL OF HUMAN RESOURCES. 1993 Fall; 28(4):735-58.

    In this paper, longitudinal data from a national probability sample of rural households in India are used to assess how the traditional migration of women across households via marriage, by contributing to consumption smoothing, augments the returns to women as human capital and how these returns are affected by economic development propelled by agricultural technical progress. The estimates confirm earlier findings based on more geographically confined data from India that interhousehold financial transfers play a small but significant role in contributing to consumption-smoothing. Such transfers appear to be more responsive to a household's fluctuations in earnings that are loans, and this responsiveness is significantly augmented in households with more informal connections to other households that arise due to the marriages of sons, who stay in the parental household, and daughters who migrate. The estimates also suggest that technical change, presumably because of its impact on the returns to experience, on earnings levels, and on risk assessment, represents a threat to the traditional household and in particular to marriage-based risk pooling. The results indicate that the transformation of traditional agriculture through technological change thus extends beyond agricultural practices to the relationships among households and also within households, and does not necessarily lead to great equality by sex in the intrahousehold distribution of resources despite the evident normality of equality in intrahousehold resources. (author's)
    Add to my documents.
  10. 10

    Children at risk: the role of family structure in Latin America and West Africa.

    Desai S

    POPULATION AND DEVELOPMENT REVIEW. 1992 Dec; 18(4):689-717.

    Many studies explore the relationship between income and nutrient intake. The focus upon households as a whole emerges from a research tradition rooted in the theoretical model of the family and the household proposed by the new household economics which has strongly influenced recent research on the family in both developed and developing countries. This mode, however, is overly simplistic where applied uniformly to diverse cultures. The author therefore considers the validity of these assumptions of uniform applicability with respect to the family forms and the nutrient available to children found in selected countries in Latin America and West Africa. The author uses demographic and health survey data from Ghana, Mali, Senegal, northeast Brazil, Colombia, and the Dominican Republic with models of the family proposed by this new household economics to derive hypotheses regarding food available to young children in various household and family arrangements. It is concluded that these models unrealistically predict food and health care available to children because they assume that income or opportunity given to 1 family member translates into improvement in the welfare of all other members. The level of altruism toward children instead varies across cultures, families, and households. The author points out that these findings demonstrate the urgent need to develop alternative models of the family and notes that Nash's bargaining models have presented the most persistent challenge to neoclassical models of the family.
    Add to my documents.
  11. 11

    The consequences of adult ill-health.

    Over M; Ellis RP; Huber JH; Solon O

    In: The health of adults in the developing world, edited by Richard G.A. Feachem, Tord Kjellstrom, Christopher J.L. Murray, Mead Over, Margaret A. Phillips. New York, New York, Oxford University Press, 1992. 161-207.

    The consequences of adult ill-health are greater than previously believed. These consequences go beyond suffering and grief and consist of indirect adverse effects on society which increase the cost of adult ill-health in developing countries. At the household level, family and friends try to reduce the effects of an illness or injury afflicting an adult household member. Work colleagues increase their workload to pick up the slack of the ill or injured colleague. An unhealthy labor force results in slow work schedules and less specialization of employee job descriptions. These coping processes reduce the effects of illness, but are costly. Yet traditional empirical studies do not examine them. Anticipatory coping mechanisms to mitigate adverse consequences of adult ill-health include formal and nonformal insurance mechanisms, both of which bear high costs. Informal insurance mechanisms include high fertility and extended families and social networks. Formal mechanisms are investment and savings and formal health insurance. Further, adult ill-health harms children more than child ill-health harms adults. thus, the total ill-health burden of children is greater than originally surmised. Household costs of adult ill-health are effect on production and earnings, on investment and consumption, and on household health and consumption and psychic costs. At least 70% of hospital resources in developing countries goes to adult and elderly patients. A considerable proportion of primary care costs is also dedicated to adults. Even though researchers agree that disease affects income, this effect is preceded and overshadowed by the effect of disease on health status, of health status on functional capacity, and of functional capacity on productivity. In conclusion, adult ill-health restricts development in societies burdened by adult ill-health.
    Add to my documents.
  12. 12

    A subjective equilibrium approach to the value of children in the agricultural household.

    Yotopoulos PA; Kuroda Y

    PAKISTAN DEVELOPMENT REVIEW. 1988 Autumn; 27(3):229-76.

    A subjective equilibrium model was constructed, integrating economic and demographic behavior of agricultural households, using data from a special Philippine survey. The data were collected in 1978-1979 from 590 households in Misamis Oriental, northern Mindanao Island, sponsored by FAO/UNFPA. Households were categorized into large and small farms, and owner and tenant-operated farms. The utility maximization hypothesis was tested and could not be rejected for any socioeconomic groups. The major difference was the input of child labor. The utility maximization model also revealed demands for leisure and commodities consistent with higher valuation of children in tenant and small households compared to owner and large households. The analysis of household equilibrium with demographic characteristics suggests important policy implications: that improved endowments at the bottom could trickle up to result in higher production and lower population growth.
    Add to my documents.
  13. 13

    [Population and consumption in Morocco. Part 1: The impact of consumption on demographic trends] Population et consommation au Maroc. Premiere partie: l'influence de la consommation sur les variables demographiques.

    Morocco. Direction de la Statistique. Centre d'Etudes et de Recherches Demographiques

    Rabat, Morocco, Morocco. Direction de la Statistique. Centre d'Etudes et de Recherches Demographiques, 1988 Jul. 56 p.

    This is the first of a planned two-part study concerning the relationships between consumption and selected demographic variables in Morocco. The emphasis in Part 1 is on the demographic impact of consumption. Data are from a survey on household expenditures conducted in 1984-1985, and from the censuses of 1971 and 1982. Separate consideration is given to infant mortality, female age at marriage and fertility, the rural exodus and rural-urban migration, urbanization, and literacy and education. (ANNOTATION)
    Add to my documents.
  14. 14
    Peer Reviewed

    Famine and household coping strategies.

    Corbett J

    WORLD DEVELOPMENT. 1988 Sep; 16(9):1,099-112.

    This paper reviews the evidence on household strategies for coping with famine in Africa and identifies some distinctive patterns in these strategies which can be used to examine household objectives at times of crises, the management of resources to meet these objectives and limits to the effectiveness of coping strategies. In particular it examines the role of asset management and trade-offs between maintaining current food consumption levels and protecting the future income generating capacity of the household. Case studies are presented on northern Nigeria, two provinces in Sudan, and northeastern Ethiopia. (EXCERPT)
    Add to my documents.
  15. 15

    Household composition and the measurement of disparity in levels of living.

    Paul S

    INDIAN ECONOMIC REVIEW. 1988 Jan-Jun; 23(1):83-106.

    The importance of household composition in the analysis of inequalities in income distribution based on household survey data is illustrated using data for rural Punjab, India, from the 25th round of the National Sample Survey. The study also reveals that distribution of household consumption expenditure, if not adjusted for household size and composition effects, gives biased measures of the extent of true inequality. (ANNOTATION)
    Add to my documents.
  16. 16
    Peer Reviewed

    Population dynamics and consumer demand.

    Ketkar KW; Ketkar SL

    APPLIED ECONOMICS. 1987 Nov; 19(11):1,483-95.

    The authors analyze the effects on consumption in the United States of 11 demographic variables, including "regional location and the urban/rural base of the household, its age, size, race, sex and marital characteristics, and the education and the employment status of the household head and the spouse." Data are from the 1972-1973 Consumer Expenditure Survey. The expenditure functions are first specified, followed by descriptions of the data sources and the empirical estimates of expenditure functions for various items of consumption spending. (EXCERPT)
    Add to my documents.
  17. 17

    Demographic influences on female labor supply.

    Sengupta P

    Ann Arbor, Michigan, University Microfilms International, 1986. 209 p.

    This research investigates the effects of household age-sex composition on the labor supply of women in [a developing country] setting. It is based on a new approach of modelling the economic consequences of variation in the individual and family life cycle developed by Lee (1983). It is posited that each person is capable of producing four types of effects: (1) generate demand for consumer goods...(2) supply time to market activity...(3) create demand for home production...and (4) supply time to housework....These per capita effects depend on the age and sex of each person and are regarded as exogenous, determined partly by biological needs and partly by socio-cultural norms....The empirical results of this research, derived from Malaysian Family Life Survey data (1976-77), have generally confirmed the usefulness of the basic approach described above. This work was prepared as a doctoral dissertation at the University of California at Berkeley. (EXCERPT)
    Add to my documents.
  18. 18

    Commodity production and population control in rural areas.

    Wang M

    POPULATION RESEARCH. 1986 Apr; 3(2):9-14.

    The effect of growth of rural commodity production in China on population is discussed theoretically. In primitive societies, rural people desire more children to do the work; in capitalist societies they desire fewer because children need to be educated and interfere with consumption. In socialist societies, desired family size depends on the developmental level. In China, rural industrial output made up 11.7% of the national product in 1982, and is growing. The economic structure is changing so that 100 million people will be working in rural enterprises by 2000. Childbearing practices will change as people are freed from the land. Several trends will limit population growth. As incomes rise, desire for consumer goods will decrease population growth. Investment in production, technical education, science and culture will increase. Rural development will make funds available to spend on family planning. On the other hand, rural commodity production may stimulate population growth temporarily because currently the production unit is the family, and many specialized workers are needed to run these enterprises. Other factors, such as traffic and poor transport in market towns, slow change in attitudes of rural people, the tradition of small production units will reverse family planning trends. Another possible factor is focusing effort on material production rather than family planning work. Measures to be taken to enhance family planning while rural development takes place include: encouragement of large-scale production and specialization of labor; investment in education in technology, science, culture and health; adaptation of family planning methods to local conditions; and training of more and better qualified family planning workers.
    Add to my documents.
  19. 19

    [Economics of the family: patriarchy in China] Okonomik der Familie: Patriarchalismus in China.

    Krug B; Frey BS


    The inward and outward directed behaviour of a patriarchal family is analyzed by assuming self-interested behaviour of the patriarch, subject to the constraints imposed by the members of the family and by the budget. Hypotheses are derived concerning (1) the allocation of labour within the family, (2) family size, (3) the length of time in office and (4) the consumption standard after retirement of the patriarch, and (5) the redistribution (taxation) among the family members. They are confronted with 'sociological' antitheses based on role and tradition. The evidence from the literature on China tends to support the economic hypotheses. (SUMMARY IN ENG) (EXCERPT)
    Add to my documents.
  20. 20

    Consumption smoothing, migration and marriage: evidence from rural India.

    Rosenzweig MR; Stark O

    Cambridge, Massachusetts, Harvard University, Migration and Development Program, 1987 Sep. 27 p. (Migration and Development Program Discussion Paper No. 32)

    The marital arrangements among households in rural India were examined to explain mobility patterns. It was hypothesized that the marrying out of daughters to locationally distant, dispersed yet kinship-related households is a manifestation of implicit interhousehold contractual arrangements aimed at mitigating income risks and facilitating consumption smoothing in an environment characterized by information costs and spatially covariant risks. The study's data were drawn from a longitudinal survey of households in 3 farm villages in Southern India. Of the 115 marriages included in this sample, only 14 (12%) involved partners who were not also relatives. In 82% of the marriages involving heads of households, the head and his wife had parents with either the same dry or irrigated landholdings or with the same parental schooling levels. The close matching of marital partners with respect to origin household characteristics and the diversity and distance characterizing the marriages were consistent with the hypothesis that marital arrangements influence a household's ability to smooth its consumption when confronted with highly variable income streams. The marital status of adult women in the household, and the interhousehold bonds created by marriage, is the decisive factor contributing to income risk mitigation. Marriage with migration contributed to a reduction in variability in consumption. Households exposed to higher income risks were more likely to invest in longer distance migration-marriage arrangements. The hypothesized and observed marriage-migration patterns contradict standard models of marriage or migration that are concerned primarily with search costs and static income gains.
    Add to my documents.
  21. 21

    [Effects of demographic factors on household consumption patterns in Taiwan].

    Wang C

    Taipei, Taiwan, Academia Sinica, Institute of Economics, 1987 Dec. viii, 125 p. (Studies of Modern Economy Series No. 10)

    Household consumption patterns in Taiwan during the period 1964-1981 are analyzed, with an emphasis on the impact of demographic variables on household consumption choices. An economic model is used to show that "demographic factors play a key role in the household decision making of consumption and saving and that household demographic variables have great effects on the magnitudes and structures of commodities consumed. The estimated values of demographic scaling parameters indicate that there exists [an] economy of scale of family size in consumer expenditure....The scale effects of commodities in 1981 in general were lower than these in 1964." Comparisons are made with trends in the United Kingdom, the United States, and South Korea. (SUMMARY IN ENG) (EXCERPT)
    Add to my documents.
  22. 22

    Human capital and the rise and fall of families.

    Becker GS; Tomes N

    JOURNAL OF LABOR ECONOMICS. 1986 Jul; 4(3, Pt. 2):1-47.

    This paper develops a model of the transmission of earnings, assets, and consumption from parents to descendants. The model assumes utility-maximizing parents who are concerned about the welfare of their children. The degree of intergenerational mobility is determined by the interaction of this utility-maximizing behavior with investment and consumption opportunities in different generations and with different kinds of luck. We examine a number of empirical studies for different countries. Regression to the mean in earnings in rich countries appears to be rapid. Almost all the earnings advantages or disadvantages of ancestors are wiped out in three generations. A comment by Robert J. Willis is included (pp. 40-7). (EXCERPT)
    Add to my documents.
  23. 23

    Demographic trends and saving propensities: "a revisit with life cycle theory"..

    Owens EW

    ATLANTIC ECONOMIC JOURNAL. 1986 Dec; 14(4):106.

    This paper uses the life cycle hypothesis to explain why personal savings in the U.S. have fallen to a low of 1.9% of disposable income in 1985, despite tax cuts. Life cycle theory envisions an individual's lifetime as a series of choices of current consumption and allocation of net worth between alternative assets and liabilities so as to maximize the expected utility of consumption over life. The mathematical expression for the utility function implies the stochastic nature of future return on aessts and independence at any given age of the ratio of consumption to resources to total resources. Population growth leads to positive saving overall by increasing the ratio of younger households. The proportion of younger households (ages 25-44) in the U.S. population increased by 10.3 million from 1980-1985, and this growth is expected to continue. Older households increased their savings, but younger families are borrowing more and spending the money their elders saved.
    Add to my documents.
  24. 24

    New peasant family forms in rural China.

    Croll E

    JOURNAL OF PEASANT STUDIES. 1987 Jul; 14(4):469-99.

    This article explores the responses of peasant households in China to the quite new and radical demands made on their resources as a result of the various recent rural economic reforms....[It attempts] to identify current changes in size, structure and activity of domestic and kin groups, and to analyse the new socio-economic relations within and between households. It argues that in order to mobilise and maximise their labour and other resources to arrange for the production, consumption and welfare of household members, close kin and neighbouring peasant households have combined to give rise to a new family form, the aggregate family. This study analyses the factors leading to its formation, identifies the characteristics of this new family form and examines its relations both within and beyond the village. (EXCERPT)
    Add to my documents.
  25. 25

    The family that does not reproduce itself.

    Keyfitz N


    Mean family size in the industrial nations is less than the 2.1 children per couple needed for the population to remain constant over the long run. The countries of Western Europe have a mean family size of about 1.61 children per couple, with West Germany as low as 1.42, Japan at 1.71, Europe as a whole at 1.9, and the US at 1.85. The decline of births is related to 1) contraception, for the 1st time controlled by women; 2) women's employment outside the home; and 3) the democratization of decision making within couples. Work opportunities for women lower the birth rate, but they do so by freeing women from the dictatorship of men. The activity of child rearing is compared with other uncompensated activities that occupy people's leisure on the one hand, and with paid work in the other hand. Clerical work, women's current alternative to the 19th century factory, has agreeable social elements combined with tolerable and limited duties. Staying home with children can be lonely 7 days a week; it lacks crisp challenges and interpersonal relations. If parents do not spend their money and time producing children, they can apply both money and time to the purchase and use of dazzling array of other goods. Children are no longer investments in the traditional sense because 1) children are in large part no longer formed by parents but by television, schools, and peer groups; and 2) parents rely on their own savings and the state to provide for their old age. A feature of earlier high fertility was the inculcation of differentiated gender roles starting long before marriage. Women has few choices beyond raising children. The spread of high-fertility cultures did not need to be planned by anyone; sheer aithmetic worked at 2nd remove to make male dominance universal. This article argues that under modern conditions there will be few children.
    Add to my documents.